First Amendment doesn’t have a passport #law #blogging #media #defamation #censorship

By MARK PEARSON

It might only be 45 words long, but if you are an American journalist, blogger or  social media user you can’t pack the First Amendment in your luggage when you travel abroad.

The famous 14 word portion protecting free expression in the United States – ‘Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press’ – does not travel well when your Web 2.0 material is viewed in foreign lands.

That shouldn’t worry you if you have published within US law and are happy to sit at home in North Dakota or Hawaii tapping away on the device of your choice.

But you should think twice before stepping on an aircraft and touching down in a jurisdiction where there are tougher gags on free expression.

Of course, you don’t have carte blanche at home, either. Even the US draws the line at criminal publications involving prohibited materials like child pornography or engaging in criminal activity such as fraud or terrorism.

But there are many things you can publish on social media or on blogs in America that can trigger lawsuits, harsh fines or jail terms in some countries.

Here are some situations where your First Amendment won’t help out:

  • Hate speech: A US District Court decision in 2011 reinforced the strong protections for angry and inflammatory words under the First Amendment. Judge Lynn Adelman had to consider the free expression rights of neo-Nazi Bill White who was charged over using a website to advocate violence against the ‘enemies’ of white supremacy, including a juror in the trial of a fellow extremist. Judge Adelman allowed his appeal on the grounds that he had not made a direct call to violence against the juror and that White’s speech had First Amendment protection. Judge Adelman explained that the US Constitution ‘…protects vehement, scathing, and offensive criticism of others, including individuals involved in the criminal justice system, such as Juror Hoffman’. He ruled that even speech advocating law-breaking was protected unless it was directed at inciting immediate lawless action and likely to prompt it. The decision sits with earlier Supreme Court hate speech judgments which have found that all but communications integral to criminal conduct – fighting words, threats and solicitations – have free expression protection in America. This is not the case in most other countries, where such comments can see you fined or jailed under laws of blasphemy, vilification or race hate. Australian historical revisionist Fredrick Toben was jailed in Germany for publishing Holocaust denial material on the Internet. In Nigeria, Algeria, Egypt, Tunisia, Sudan and some Middle Eastern countries offenders can be jailed or even executed for blasphemous statements or actions.
  • Immunity for comments of others: In the US, s. 230 of the US Communications Decency Act (1996) gives immunity to anyone hosting the comments of third parties. It states clearly: “No provider or user of an interactive computer service shall be treated as the publisher or speaker of any information provided by another information content provider.” Internet service providers (ISPs) and bloggers are protected from actions over material published without their knowledge on sites they host. This is not the case in many other countries. Earlier this year an Australian Federal Court found a health company was responsible for Facebook and Twitter comments by fans on its accounts in defiance of a court order that the company not make misleading claims about its allergy treatments. The court ruled that the company should have taken steps to remove the comments as soon as it had become aware of them, as Addisons Lawyers explained. The company and its director were fined $7500 each. In the Middle East, anonymous political comments by a blogger on the website of Bashar Al-Sayegh landed the Kuwaiti journalist in jail for three days in 2007.  He was charged with insulting the emir of Kuwait and called upon to explain how he allowed the comments to remain on his site for several hours.
  •  Defamation: Under special US protections, you can get away with false publications about celebrities and other public figures as long as you are not being malicious in your attacks. Again, you need to be wary of less forgiving laws in other places, particularly if the celebrity has a reputation they wish to defend elsewhere – people like British actor Hugh Grant or New Zealand film-maker Peter Jackson. The strong US defence stems from New York Times v. Sullivan (1964), where the Supreme Court invoked the First Amendment to rule that public officials had to meet tough new tests before they could succeed in a defamation action, even if the allegations were false. In the US, plaintiffs need to prove the falsity of the material, while in the UK and its former colonies the burden is on the publisher to prove the truth of libellous material. ‘Public figures’ in the US also have to prove the publication was malicious before they can win their cases. All this means you face much less chance of libel action in the US over your writing on important public matters, but you need to be careful if you are posting scandalous material about private citizens, particularly if you know the allegations are untrue. Rock icon Courtney Love learned this $430,000 lesson earlier this year. In Canada, the UK and Australia the ‘responsible communication’ or ‘qualified privilege’ defence requires the publisher to demonstrate that they made proper inquiries in the lead-up to their defamatory expose of an issue of public concern, even though they were ultimately unable to prove its truth.
  • Exotic foreign laws: The countries of the world with the highest level of censorship maintain tight control over expression and take firm action against online writers who use the Internet to question their authority. This is when the blogger becomes a ‘dissident’ and any use of new media for political expression – or even the use of certain media at all – can land the offender in jail. Reporters Without Borders has released a list of enemies of free Internet speech (pdf file): Burma, China, Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Vietnam. They are countries where bloggers, journalists and other ‘dissidents’ have been imprisoned or tortured for daring to write what they think or for encouraging others to do so. Even Thailand, a nation with a relatively free and vibrant media, issues lengthy jail terms under its ‘lese majeste’ laws for any material critical of its royal family. Colorado resident Joe Gordon was detained for 84 days in Thailand this year and faces a charge of translating an unauthorised biography critical of the king.

So, what does it all mean for the average American journalist, blogger or microblogger? Quite simply: think before you publish, and think before you travel.

You won’t be extradited and tried by aliens if you keep within the law of your own country. But you should revise your travel itinerary to avoid countries whose governments or citizens may have been offended by your blogs or postings.

If you have been particularly provocative in your writing and you really must travel then consider your other 54 US state and territory jurisdictions or perhaps pack your bags for a Scandinavian vacation. While they don’t have a First Amendment, those countries usually come in well ahead of the US on the Freedom House and RSF free expression rankings.

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Why the #law stops you venting on #Facebook and #Twitter about the #Morcombe case

By MARK PEARSON

[For readers outside Australia, please see background and coverage links in the Courier-Mail]

Child sex crimes rank among the most offensive and upsetting actions of human beings upon each other, so it is little wonder that people want to vent on social media when an arrest occurs in a high profile case like the Daniel Morcombe murder.

Ordinary citizens need to realise that their comments on Facebook, Twitter and other websites are ‘publications’ in the eyes of the law, and there are three types of restrictions in Queensland applying to such cases.

1. Suppression order on identities of witnesses. In this case the main factor limiting publication of the accused’s identity was a non-identification order placed on the names of witnesses during an earlier inquest into the victim’s disappearance. The Queensland Coroner lifted this ban on the identification of the accused on the afternoon of August 16, after media representation, so he can now be named as part of a fair and accurate report of court proceedings. See: http://www.abc.net.au/news/2011-08-16/morcombes-alleged-killer-named/2842126

2.  Ban on identification of the accused in certain sex cases. The law in Queensland is similar to that of South Australia, which I have blogged about previously. In Queensland, the preliminary proceedings can be reported, but the identity of the accused must remain secret until after they have been committed for trial (Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 1978, s. 7). It carries a two year jail term. The laws differ from those in other Australian states and territories where only the identity of the sex crime victim is suppressed. (In other states and territories, the accused in a sexual crime can be identified unless their identity might lead to the identification of the victim or unless a judge or magistrate decides to suppress the identity on other public interest grounds.)

3. Ban on prejudicial coverage. Once a suspect has been arrested OR charged with a crime, there are tough restrictions about what can be published about the matter in that jurisdiction. This is because our justice system works on the assumption that an accused is innocent until PROVEN guilty in a court of law. Just because police have arrested someone does not mean that person is guilty. There are too many examples of miscarriages of justice over the years for us ever to assume that an arrest means guilt. Until the person has been either convicted or acquitted, the matter is ‘sub judice’ (Latin for ‘under a judge’). You face serious fines and jail terms for sub judice contempt, as talkback hosts Derryn Hinch and John Laws have learned.

As we explain in The Journalist’s Guide to Media Law, the main areas of concern during the sub judice period include: any indication of prejudgment (whether as to guilt or innocence), publishing potentially inadmissible evidence, publishing witnesses’ statements beyond what is given in evidence in court, revealing criminal records and alleged confessions of the accused, or identification of the accused where it may be an issue in the trial (always assume it will be).

It is no defence to your sub judice contempt charge that others did the same thing (just as it is no defence to a speeding charge to say that you were following a car going 20 km/h faster).

Adverse publicity can even result in a mistrial or even an acquittal, which is the last thing most social media commentators would want in a sex or murder trial.

It is especially difficult for social media users and bloggers untrained in media law to navigate all these rules so the best policy is to avoid comment on any matters before the courts until the justice process has run its course. Leave that to the trained, professional journalists who report with the backing of experienced editors and legal advisers.

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Shorthand vs. new recording methods as evidence in court #journalism #medialaw #law

By MARK PEARSON

Just how do journalists’ shorthand notes stand up against other means of recording interviews as courtroom evidence?

That is a question that has puzzled many a journalist, editor, media lawyer and journalism educator, particularly in countries like Australia, New Zealand and the UK where shorthand is usually required of entry level journalists.

Guardian columnist Professor Roy Greenslade recently questioned its value in the modern era and gave examples of where its less than perfect use stood to damage media defendants’ cases.

I worked with journalist and lawyer Jasmine Griffiths to examine this question in an article published in the latest issue of the Media and Arts Law Review ((2011) 16 Media and Arts Law Review).

We reviewed the laws of evidence and applied the Australian tests to compare the likely admissibility and weight of different journalistic records of interview. This is a summary of our findings…

New technologies have changed the way journalists gather news.

While the basic role of a journalist to find and report news remains unchanged, technology savvy reporters have embraced the digital age and are using technology to improve the way they operate.

Journalists now employ a variety of technologies during interviews to record notes:

  • Taking shorthand (or some hybrid shortform) in notebooks;
  • Typing notes directly into the computer;
  • Recording telephone conversations with listening devices;
  • Using digital recording devices to store audio on memory chips or downloading audio files on to computers;
  • Using mobile phone technology and voice recording applications;
  • Conducting interviews via email, text messaging (SMS) or instant messaging; and
  • Using Facebook, Twitter and other social media as a source of quotes and photos.

The prevalence of technology poses a unique problem to news organisations seeking to defend defamation proceedings. New technologies call for new interpretations of established rules. However, both the courts and the legislature have failed to keep pace with technological developments, leaving the legal status of some digital evidence uncertain.

During research we canvassed case law and the rules of evidence to determine the evidential status of common industry practices for recording and storing information.

An understanding of how evidence laws apply to journalists’ notes would allow journalists and media organisations to assess their own methods and develop better working practices to avoid the costly embarrassment of having their evidence struck out by a court.

But we found it was difficult to predict how a court would determine the question of admissibility of, or in the alternative, the weight prescribed to evidence. The decision in each case falls on the facts.

A journalist’s notebook may be compelling as evidence based on the fact it is likely to be the only contemporaneous record of an interview or conversation. However, even an impeccable notebook where every interview is dated and every page accounted for can be problematic for the courts if it cannot be read by an ordinary person.

Quotes recorded in shorthand require translation and while it is possible an expert might be engaged, it is far more time and cost effective for journalists to provide a transcript of their notes.

This is particularly so where journalists have developed their own unique or hybrid shorthand style.

Some news organisations have conducted comprehensive training and strict requirements on note-taking and storage, while these practices have been largely ignored in many others.

Practices also vary widely among individual journalists. This could be problematic for a media defendant’s case if a story written by a journalist whose notes did not lend themselves to being good evidence later became the subject of defamation proceedings.

Traditionally when it seemed a journalist or their work might become involved in legal proceedings, whether by what they saw or heard or by what they published, their notes of interviews and associated research materials were gathered and stored in case they were required as evidence in a trial.

A journalist’s notebook was viewed by the courts as compelling evidence based on the notion that records taken during or immediately after an incident or conversation were more likely to portray an accurate account of the facts than witness testimony given months or years after the event.

But reporters’ notebooks were not specially valued because they were kept by journalists, more because contemporaneous notes are valued when taken by any record-keeper.

Where it can be proven that a journalist (or any record-keeper) has an established system of recording information a court will likely place high value on such evidence. Former New South Wales education minister Terry Metherell’s daily diary accounts of conversations with then Premier Nick Greiner were found to be compelling evidence before the Independent Commission Against Corruption in 1992.

The court will look to the methods of the note-taker and veracity of the notes, regardless of the individual’s occupation.

It is not the fact that the interviewer is a journalist that adds weight – more the issues of whether shorthand speed and notebook management practices win the court’s confidence in the record of the interview.

In 2004 the Mosman Daily in suburban Sydney successfully defended a defamation action brought by the proprietors of a real estate business as a result of an article about a dispute with their co-tenants sharing the premises. During the hearing the court heard evidence from the journalist who wrote the story and the tenants who had contacted the paper, along with each of the plaintiffs. Justice Hoeben stated: “I did not find (the first and third plaintiffs) to be impressive witnesses. Their evidence was at times internally contradictory and evasive… Where (their) evidence is in conflict with that of (the tenants), I prefer the evidence of (the tenants)”.  The lesson for journalists who are called upon to give evidence in proceedings is that the court will look favourably upon witnesses who are honest and give a fair account of their version of events.

In Field v Nationwide News Pty Ltd, a Sunday Telegraph journalist reporting on a Blue Mountains hotel that had fallen into disrepair was forced to recount her conversation with the proprietor to the court in circumstances where their recollections were very different. The trial judge concluded the journalist was more likely to be telling the truth based on the fact that she took notes of the conversation soon after it occurred, separate witness testimony supported her version of events and, importantly, she was a “credible and straightforward witness”. This indicates that even a journalist’s recollection of the contents of an interview without supporting evidence might alone outweigh the recollection of the interviewee.

However, while a court may prefer a journalist’s recollection over that of another witness it may not be enough to convince a court to find in their favour. The matter of Zunter v John Fairfax Publications Pty Ltd involved a claim for defamation over an article published in the Sydney Morning Herald which suggested the plaintiff caused a bushfire by carrying out an illegal backburn. The journalist who wrote the article produced accurate notes of her conversations with the local fire chief, which were not in dispute. The problem for Fairfax was that the story had been edited at the last minute to include information provided by the photographer who interviewed the plaintiff in the absence of the journalist. The court accepted that “not being a reporter, (the photographer) did not take notes of the conversation he had with Mr Zunter” and concluded the photographer’s evidence was “more likely” to be accurate than the plaintiff’s. But the plaintiff was still awarded $100,000 in damages.

One of the key principles of the rules of evidence is that any evidence adduced must be capable of being tested in court. This means that evidence will be subject to examination, cross-examination and, if necessary, re-examination in order for the court to ascribe weight to evidence and determine witness credibility.

In the case of journalists’ notes, “real” evidence – that is, the physical notebook – will almost always be accompanied by testimonial evidence by the person who made the notes to provide context and translation as needed. This may indeed present the opportunity for expert evidence from a shorthand instructor on the translation of the notes.

This process can be a professional minefield for journalists called into the witness box. Their practices and credibility become subject to public scrutiny among their peers, as BBC journalists Susan Watts, Andrew Gilligan and Gavin Hewitt discovered when they were called upon to give evidence at the UK’s Hutton Inquiry in 2003 into the suicide death of British defence expert Dr David Kelly after he was exposed for leaking intelligence information.  During the hearing, the journalists were questioned and at times publicly criticised for their working practices, later prompting the BBC to issue new editorial guidelines on note-taking. The inquiry highlighted the importance of taking and keeping good notes.

The journalists’ shorthand, longhand and hybrid notes still sit at the inquiry’s website for the gratification of those interested in the subject.

As Greenslade illustrated, audio recordings of interviews and conversations are the most effective shield against accusations of sources being misquoted and, if dealt with properly, is convincing evidence in court.

If a media defendant can produce an original, unaltered recording of interviews given voluntarily it will be very difficult for a plaintiff to argue against the recording being admitted in evidence.

For this reason, the solicitors for Jack Thomas were unable to raise successful arguments against admitting an ABC Four Corners interview in evidence in an Australian terrorism trial. He had made certain admissions on tape in the media interview.

Difficulties arise when audio recordings have been compromised or recordings destroyed before a claim or writ has been served.

While in earlier times journalists were advised to archive tapes, modern day Dictaphones, mobile recording devices and smart phones are far more likely to record the contents of an interview on to a memory card, which can be difficult to preserve physically and expensive to replace.

The advantage of digital recordings is that they can be downloaded on to a computer using speciality software and stored electronically. In reality, time pressed journalists may be tempted to record the quotes they need and then erase interviews in order to free up memory on their recording devices.

This can have serious evidential implications.

One of the key traps journalists may face in having their audio recordings admitted as evidence is where questions are raised as to the legality of the recording.

Journalists may find themselves relying on recorded telephone exchanges or secret recordings of conversations in circumstances where the source was unaware they were being recorded. In most jurisdictions such recordings would be held to have been illegally obtained in contravention of surveillance or listening devices legislation.

If a court follows the black letter of the law, evidence of recordings which were illegally obtained would be rendered inadmissible. This is particularly so in criminal cases where the overriding interest is justice and a person’s constitutional right to a fair trial. However, civil cases may fall within a grey area where illegal recordings may be received in evidence.

It is not uncommon for journalists conducting telephone interviews to type notes of their conversations directly into the computer. Typically these notes are entered into a word processing program or recorded on screen using software employed by a newsroom to write, file and edit stories.

While this method may assist some journalists in taking down conversations and expediting the writing process, it presents a challenge to journalists who are called upon to defend their stories. Often the story itself will be the only evidence of a conversation having taken place.

Where notes have been preserved (i.e. the journalist saved the document in which they recorded the interview) it may be difficult to convince a court that the notes are in their original, unaltered state.

The potential problem with electronic records of interviews was raised in the Hutton Inquiry. Journalist Andrew Gilligan told the Inquiry that soon after an informal meeting with a defence official he recorded his recollection of the conversation on a personal digital assistant for later use in a story.

While ordinarily such evidence might be regarded highly because of its contemporaneous nature, in this case it was suggested he had later amended the notes when it became clear he would have to produce his notes to the inquiry.

As a result, two forensic computer analysts were called as expert witnesses to testify as to the reliability of the records at great expense and embarrassment to the BBC.

Lawmakers have sought to clarify the status of electronic evidence by introducing statutory provisions dealing specifically with computer-produced evidence.

While emails may be saved or archived, the same cannot always be said of more transient forms of communicating such as text messages on mobile devices or information gained from social networking sites. Facebook and Twitter provide fertile ground for journalists seeking information about a source.

However, the ephemeral nature of social networking combined with the ability of users to control the information that is shared publicly may present a problem for journalists who publish information gained via such means.

In these circumstances, a prudent journalist may print off the relevant information or store it in some other permanent form.

In addition to keeping good notes of interviews and conversations, journalists should keep a record of phone calls and other attempts made to contact a source or verify information before it is published.

In order to establish a defence of fair comment, honest opinion or qualified privilege in defamation proceedings, a journalist must prove good faith.

This can be difficult to prove without evidence to support the claim that a journalist acted fairly. The statutory defence of qualified privilege will also require evidence that a journalist at least made an attempt to provide a balanced story.

Section 30 of the Defamation Act 2005 (NSW version, but nationally uniform) states that when deciding whether a publisher’s behaviour was reasonable in the circumstances “a court may take into a range of factors including whether a reasonable attempt was made to obtain and publish a response from the individual being defamed and other steps taken to verify the information published”.

In other words, the Act effectively imposes record-keeping obligations on journalists who may wish to use the defence in potential legal proceedings. However, many journalists are unaware of these requirements until after the fact, at which point a lack of evidence may preclude them from successfully arguing a defence.

A basic understanding of the rules of evidence by news organisations and individual journalists would assist reporters and their editors in developing improved newsgathering and information storage practices.

While there are sometimes safety nets for journalists who have had less than meticulous note-taking and file storage practices, news organisations and tertiary programs should be emphasising best practice in notebook and file management and imbuing journalism students and graded reporters with the importance of preserving records of interviews.

While jurisdictional differences in evidence law might impact on the advice given by media lawyers, it should be sufficient for journalists and their news managers to understand the basic principles and incorporate them into their daily newsgathering and file management practice.

The challenge to journalists, their managers and their lawyers is that the laws of evidence are complex and remain unsettled, particularly in respect of technology-based evidence. As a result, it is difficult to anticipate how a court might receive a journalist’s evidence where new methods and technologies have been applied in practice, particularly if suitable records have not been kept or if some of the information has been obtained in breach of other law.

It would certainly be premature to call for the elimination of shorthand from industry entry requirements.

However, media outlets need to look carefully at their double standards. Newspaper companies insist upon 120 words per minute of shorthand for entry level recruits but do not apply the same requirement to the experienced reporters they hire and sometimes waive the shorthand speed for star rookies who excel in other areas.

It’s a little like a commercial airline poaching obese and sickly pilots from its competitors while insisting its entry level pilots pass a rigorous fitness test.

Whether or not they continue with shorthand, media outlets need to look carefully at their collection and storage of interview records in whatever format, and to train their staff in basic protocols for the recording and filing of interviews.

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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How #bloggers can apply the Kipling formula to social media #law

By MARK PEARSON

Rudyard Kipling explained the secret to good writing in his poem The Elephant’s Child:

“I keep six honest serving-men (they taught me all I knew);

Their names are What and Why and When and How and Where and Who.”

A century later, we still use those serving-men to teach news writing but they can also be used as a lens to consider cyberlaw and how it applies to the online writer. Each raises legal questions and highlights the risks you face.

Who? #YesYouAreLiable…

There are several ‘who’ elements to the online writing enterprise – and each can have an impact on your legal liability for what you write.

Identity and anonymity are important issues in the law of online authorship, and I devoted my last blog to the way courts have considered the latter.

Most bloggers cherish their independence, but this comes at a price. If you are the sole publisher of your material, then prosecutors and litigants will come looking for you personally. Those who write for larger organisations or companies share that responsibility. A litigant can still sue you as the writer, but they might choose to target your wealthier publisher – particularly if you are an impoverished freelancing blogger. In the 20th century, large media organisations would usually cover the legal costs of their reporters or columnists if they were sued and give them the services of their in-house counsel to guide them through any civil or criminal actions. Most of the so-called ‘legacy media’ still do that today, so if you are a mainstream journalist or columnist thinking of going solo with your blog you might factor this into your thinking. Another advantage of writing for a mainstream publisher is that your work will be checked by editors with some legal knowledge and perhaps reviewed by the company’s lawyers before being published.

A crucial ‘who’ element is your audience. Many areas of the law only require your publication to reach single person for you to be liable for its content. (In the case of libel, it needs to be a third person beyond you and the person you are defaming.) You might think you are just corresponding with your cosy group of Twitter followers or Facebook friends – all with a shared sense of humour or sarcasm – but your remark can be detected when it is forwarded or retweeted to someone else and can go viral very quickly. As soon as it comes to the attention of the authorities or counsel for the person you have offended, the courts will only look to the fact that you were responsible for the original publication.

If others add to your words with more inflammatory material of their own, they carry responsibility for the new publication. Think twice before retweeting or forwarding the legally dubious material of others, because this becomes a new publication under your own name, so at the very least you will share the legal liability with the original publisher. And of course never retweet, ‘like’ or forward anything without reviewing it thoroughly first.

Of course then there is the ‘who’ element related to the people you name in your blog or social media posting. These can present legal risks. Sometimes people cannot be named because their identities are protected under legislation because they are children, victims of sex crimes, or vulnerable in some other way. Courts can also suppress people’s identities for other reasons, and sometimes even suppress the fact that they have issued a suppression order, known as a ‘super injunction’, as journalists and Tweeters in the UK are well aware.

 

What? #…ForAlmostAnything

Lawyers and prosecutors will of course look closely at ‘what’ has been published to decide whether your work is a criminal offence or might be subject to a civil action.

Throughout the world all kinds of online material has been the subject of legal action. This has included the publication of words, symbols, still and moving images, sounds, illustrations, headlines, captions and links. Sometimes it is the very words alone that are banned (such as the name of a victim of a sex crime) while on other occasions it is the totality of the coverage that gives rise to a meaning that damages a reputation or intrudes (such as a photograph of someone accompanying a negative story). In some countries it is the publication without a licence that is banned.

 

When? #…NowAndThenAndForever?…

The instant nature of new media does not mix well with an online writer’s impulsiveness, carelessness or substance abuse. There is an old saying: ‘Doctors bury their mistakes. Lawyers jail theirs. But journalists publish theirs for all the world to see’. That can be applied to anyone writing online today. At least in bygone times these mistakes would gradually fade from memory. While they might linger in the yellowing editions of newspapers in library archives, it would take a keen researcher to find them several years later. Now your offensive or erroneous writing is only a Google search away for anyone motivated to look.

British actor Stephen Fry learned this in 2010 when he tweeted his two million followers, insulting Telegraph journalist Milo Yiannopoulos over a critical column.

“Fry quickly deleted the tweet once others started to latch on to it, but as we know that rarely helps when you’ve posted something injudicious online: the internet remembers,” Yiannopoulos wrote.

This also creates problems for digital archives – because if the material remains on the publisher’s servers it is considered ‘republished’ every time it is downloaded. This means that even where there might be some statutory time limitation on lawsuits, under some interpretations the clock starts ticking again with each download so you do not get to take advantage of the time limit until you have removed the material from your site.

A New York District Court considered whether material was actually ‘published’ when it was posted to the Internet. In Getaped.com Inc v. Cangemi, a motor scooter business claimed parts of its website had been copied. Cangemi argued the website was not a publication, but rather like a ‘public display’ or performance. Judge Alvin Hellerstein said ‘when a webpage goes live on the Internet, it is distributed and “published”’.

 

Where? #…JustAboutAnywhere…

The Dow Jones v. Gutnick decision by Australia’s High Court in 2002 showed just how long the arm of cyberlaw could be. In that case it stretched all the way from Melbourne, Australia, to allow a businessmen to take suit against a publisher based in New Jersey, USA. The same kind of thing happened this year when a Californian court ordered US-based Twitter to hand over the name, email address and phone number of a British-based local government councillor whose council wanted to sue him for defamation over comments he had allegedly posted anonymously. A year earlier the same South Tyneside council had also managed to have Google and the blogging site WordPress ordered to hand over IP addresses to identify a whistleblower.

While foreign countries cannot normally enforce their laws beyond their borders, you might be called to account for your blogs and postings under their laws if you happen to travel there. And citizens in other countries can go to court and get a declaration against you in your absence, perhaps ordering you to pay a certain sum in damages for something you have published.

Depending on the international legal agreements in place, the courts in your jurisdiction might be empowered to apply the laws of another state or territory in a case against you. The landmark US case in the field centred around two companies’ dispute over the use of the name ‘Zippo’ – one a manufacturing company and another an Internet news service provider. A Pennsylvania court developed a sliding scale to help it decide whether the web news service had enough commercial dealings in the state for the court to have jurisdiction.

Not that long ago you had to be served personally with a summons for a criminal charge or a writ for the launch of a civil action against you. In many places this can be done online – via email or even via a message to your social media account. The Supreme Court of the Australian Capital Territory became one of the world’s first courts to allow legal documents to be served on defendants via a personal message on their Facebook pages when they had defaulted on their home loan payments. Other methods of contacting them had failed and their house was about to be taken from them.

 

Why? #…EspeciallyIfYouAreMalicious…

Lawyers, prosecutors and judges will also look to your motives for publishing the material you have written. The motivation that will work against almost any defence in a publishing case is malice. Even the United States, which has one of the strongest defamation defences in the world under its First Amendment freedom of the press protection, will not excuse a slur against somebody if it can be proven to be false and malicious. Malice has a wide range of definitions in international law. Your online behaviour can be used as evidence in court, as well. Lawyers will dig for all kinds of proof that you have been less than honest about your behaviour or have shown a lack of good faith or malice in your dealings.

 

How? #…SomeMediaAreRiskier

Your method and your medium can be important factors in your legal exposure. The simple fact is that some publishing mechanisms are more law-friendly than others. Sometimes this will depend on the type of material you are publishing. For example, there is an argument that Twitter users may be less prone to copyright infringement because the very nature of the medium limits the amount of another person’s work they can borrow and the retweeting function implies that everyone expects their work to be recycled by others. Photographers and a US District Court judge disagree with this, however. Twitter users might leave themselves more exposed in the area of defamation because there is so little space in which to give context and balance to their criticism of others. Tweeting from an event as it unfolds, such as a conference or a court case, has its dangers because your tweets might contain errors in the quotes of others or might be taken out of context by someone just reading a tweet rather than the overall coverage.

The ‘How?’ legal element can be crucial to several defences. If you have written your blog fairly and accurately it can go a long way to establishing a defence to defamation or a contempt of court charge over a report of a court case.

——

You might like to look back over some of your recent blogs, tweets and Facebook postings and apply the 5Ws and the H of legal analysis to them. How well do they shape up? …And who is that knocking at your front door? 😉

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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#Law: How #courts decide whether to out #anonymous #Internet authors

By MARK PEARSON

Courts have taken a range of approaches on whether they will order the ‘outing’ of the identity of an anonymous Internet user. The super-rich have gone to court in the UK and the US to try to find the identities of bloggers who have caused them grief from behind the shield of pseudonyms (as Forbes reported).

In May 2011, a Utah court ruled in favour of 25 John Does known as ‘Youth for Climate Truth’ who had set up a fake website and issued press releases claiming the powerful Koch Industries would stop funding climate change deniers. The group is owned by Charles and David Koch who sit in the list of America’s top 10 wealthiest people. They were angered by the spoof site and its announcement so went to court to find out the identity of the protesters. But Judge Dale Kimball dismissed their motion for disclosure on the grounds that it did not meet the strict tests required to reveal the pranksters’ identities.

However, the High Court in England ruled in favour of another billionaire, Louis Bacon, who was attempting to force Wikipedia, the Denver Post and WordPress to cough up the identities of bloggers who had allegedly defamed him using pseudonyms. In late 2010, it had also ordered the revelation of another of Bacon’s critics who had created a website www.bahamascitizen.com. It seemed likely the US-based Wikipedia would protect its correspondent’s anonymity until it received an order from a US court with jurisdiction over its activities.

Even in the US, authorities can move with considerable speed and secrecy to demand account details on suspects. In 2010 the editor of the ‘Home in Henderson’ blog, Jason Feingold, was ordered by the North Carolina Superior Court to turn over identifying information on six anonymous commenters on his blog post ‘Arrest Made in Elder Abuse Case’. The identities of ‘Beautiful Dreamer’, ‘Fatboy’ and others were ruled actionable and disclosure ordered despite First Amendment and state shield law protections. Five of them later settled the defamation action.

In mid-2011, a Colorado District Court magistrate judge Boyd N. Boland produced an excellent summary of US decisions on discovery of anonymous sources and pieced together the criteria US judges apply before ordering their identification. The tough US tests pre-dated the Internet and were shaped by Supreme Court decisions over five decades protecting ‘anonymous speech’ as a First Amendment right. The landmark case was Talley v. California in 1960 where the court ruled a city ordinance was void because it required all leaflets to contain the name and address of the person who prepared, distributed or sponsored it. Delivering the judgment, Justice Black declared an identification requirement would restrict free expression. “Anonymous pamphlets, leaflets, brochures and even books have played an important role in the progress of mankind,” he declared. “Persecuted groups and sects from time to time throughout history have been able to criticize oppressive practices and laws either anonymously or not at all.”

In his 2011 decision, Judge Boland cited that case and explained that litigants seeking to ‘out’ an anonymous writer must:

–         give notice of their action;

–         identify the exact statements that constitute allegedly actionable speech;

–         establish a prima facie (“at first sight”) case against the defendant with enough evidence for each basic element of the action;

–         balance the defendant’s First Amendment right of anonymous free speech against the strength of the case;

–         show the disclosure serves a substantial governmental interest;

–         ensure it is narrowly tailored to serve that interest without unnecessarily interfering with First Amendment freedoms; and

–         convince the court that the case could not proceed without disclosure of the identity.

Judge Boland was ruling on an attempt by high-end tailor and fashion retailer Faconnable to force an ISP to reveal the identities of John Does who had posted entries on its Wikipedia entry claiming the company was a supporter of the Lebanese Shiite Islamist militia and political party. It wanted to sue them for trade libel and commercial disparagement. The disclosure order is on hold waiting appeal.

In early 2011, federal prosecutors had convinced a federal judge in Virginia to order Twitter to release account information on Julian Assange and other Wikileaks leaders as part of a grand jury probe into alleged criminal action. As Cnet reported, the judge rejected constitutional free expression and privacy arguments by Twitter, the Electronic Frontier Foundation and the American Civil Liberties Union that the details remain confidential. But the whole process had been kept secret until the judge ‘unsealed’ documents revealing the earlier stages of the prosecution processes. Appeals were under way in what promised to be a long legal struggle. As Cnet explained, the judge issued a 2703(d) order, allowing authorities to access materials from an Internet provider or website host “relevant and material to an ongoing criminal investigation.” The wide-ranging order requested all ‘contact information’ including “connection records, or records of session times and durations,” and “records of user activity for any connections made to or from the account along with IP addresses and all records or correspondence related to the accounts.

The decision followed a series of similar orders that courts unmask anonymous bloggers, Tweeters and Facebook users in both criminal and civil actions. The New York Supreme Court had ordered Google to identify an anonymous blogger in a defamation ‘fishing expedition’ in 2009. The Citizen Media Law Project explained how the operator of the ‘Skanks in NYC’ blog was unmasked on the petition of fashion model Liskula Cohen who had been denigrated in five postings about her sexual behaviour and ability.

Even a British local government body – the South Tyneside Council – managed to get a Californian order forcing Twitter to reveal the identity of anonymous bloggers who had been making ‘false and defamatory’ allegations about its councillors so they could launch defamation action against him. It was a surprising decision, given the strong First Amendment protections in the US, particularly for criticism of political figures. London’s Telegraph claimed Twitter had relented and handed over the identifying details of the users behind the accounts named @fatcouncillor, @cllrdavidpotts, @councillorahmedkhan, @councillorkhan and @ahmedkhan01. While Twitter had been among the most defensive of its users’ identity protection, a spokesperson said the most the company could be expected to do was to give anonymous bloggers advance warning that their details would be released so they had the chance to launch an appeal.

Lawyers for Welsh footballer Ryan Giggs were not as successful in discovering the anonymous Tweeters who had revealed the celebrity sportsman’s name in breach of a UK injunction issued to protect his privacy. They had gone to London’s High Court and won an order that Twitter reveal the details, but the US microblogging company seemed to have disregarded it because they were not obliged to comply with court orders from outside their jurisdiction.

Despite recent successes in the US, the Citizen Media Law Project lists several cases where litigants failed to meet the tough test needed to discover the identity of anonymous online writers, including:

–         In Pennsylvania, William McVicker lost in an attempt to subpoena Trib Total Media, publisher of the South Hills Record and YourSouthHills.com, for the identities behind seven screen names as part of an employment discrimination case.

–         In New Jersey, the President of the Galaxy Towers Condominium Association, Slava Lerner, failed to obtain pre-action discovery from Michael Deluca, publisher of GalaxyFacts, a website forum used by Galaxy Towers condominium owners.  Lerner sought the identities of commenters who ‘accused [him] of improprieties’.

–         In New York, an Orange County grand jury subpoenaed The (Chester) Chronicle for information about a schools superintendent by two anonymous posters to its website. A judge quashed the subpoena in 2010 because the identities were not crucial to the matter at hand.

–         A Missouri court denied a motion to compel The Springfield News-Leader to identify ‘bornandraisedhere’, a commenter on its website. It held the writer had First Amendment protections despite agreeing to the newspaper’s privacy policy before commenting on an upcoming civil case.

Even some traditional news organisations have tried to discover the identity of bloggers when defending their own interests. News America, publisher of the New York Post, sought a subpoena in California in 2005 to force Google to reveal the identity of a blogger who had breached its copyright by posting its entire Page Six column without advertisements, the Citizen Media Law Project reported.

UK courts draw on a decision made by the House of Lords almost two decades before mainstream use of the Internet. The 1973 case of Norwich Pharmacal v. Customs and Excise Commissioners centred on a company seeking the identity of those importing goods that infringed their patents. The customs commissioners were ordered to reveal the identity of the importers. As law firm Gillhams explains:  “The House of Lords found that where a third party had become involved in unlawful conduct, they were under a duty to assist the person suffering damage by giving them full information and disclosing the identity of wrongdoers.” In contrast to the US, disclosure becomes the starting point in Britain. The High Court of Justice applied the Norwich Pharmacal test in 2009 when it ordered Wikipedia to reveal the IP address of an anonymous party who had amended an article about a woman and her young child (‘G and G’) to include sensitive private information about them. The judge suppressed their names on confidentiality grounds because he believed the entries were part of a blackmail threat against the mother. Even though the owner of Wikipedia (Wikimedia) was based in Florida in the US, the court issued the disclosure order. Wikimedia complied, but insisted it was not legally bound to do so because it was in a different jurisdiction and had immunity under s. 230 of the US Communications Decency Act (1996) as a third party publishers of the comments of others.

However, disclosure is not automatic in the UK courts. In 2011, British woman Jane Clift failed in her attempt to get the High Court of Justice to order the editor of the Daily Mail’s website to reveal the identities of two anonymous commenters on an article about her. The newspaper and the website had run a sympathetic article about her winning a defamation action against the Slough Borough Council after they had published her name on a Violent Persons Register for merely reporting that a drunk had damaged a city flowerbed. However, when anonymous critical comments appeared at the base of the web article she tried to find their authors so she could sue them too. But Mrs Justice Sharp ruled that Clift had failed to meet the Norwich Pharmacal test. She said any libel action was unlikely to succeed because readers would not have taken the remarks seriously – they would have considered them mere ‘pub talk’. She gave greater weight to the privacy interests of the anonymous authors.

Canadian judges apply a different four-point test in deciding whether they will protect anonymous bloggers’ identities. Judges need to consider whether:

–         the unknown alleged wrongdoer could have a reasonable expectation of anonymity in the circumstances;

–         the litigant has established a prima facie (‘at first sight’) case against the unknown alleged wrongdoer and is acting in good faith;

–         the litigant has taken reasonable steps to identify the anonymous party and has been unable to do so; and

–         the public interest in disclosure outweighs the interests of free expression and right to privacy of the anonymous authors.

The test was developed in late 2010 by Justice Jennifer Blishen of the Ontario Superior Court of Justice in a case stemming from comments made on a political message board Freedominion. Two ‘John Does’ – ‘conscience’ and ‘HR-101’ – described human rights activist and lawyer Richard Warman as a sexual deviate and a Nazi in several postings to the site’s 9000 users. Justice Blishen ordered the site owners to hand over identifying details on the John Does, including their email addresses, IP addresses and personal information submitted when they registered for the forum.

But the same test had a different result in a case with similarities to the South Tyneside Council matter, when the Ontario Superior Court of Justice in July 2011 refused to order the unmasking of local bloggers who had criticized the Aurora city mayor. The Canadian Civil Liberties Union intervened to help protect the bloggers on the grounds that a prima facie defamation case had not been established and their free expression rights would be compromised.

A so-called anonymous ‘poison-penner’ was not so fortunate in Western Australia, however. As The Age revealed, a blogger using the pseudonym ‘witch’ launched a series of attacks on a stockmarket forum about technology security company Datamotion Asia Pacific Ltd and its Perth-based chairman and managing director, Ronald Moir. A court ordered the forum host HotCopper to hand over the blogger’s details which could only be traced to an interstate escort service. But private investigation by the plaintiff’s law firm eventually found the true author of the postings who was then hit with a $30,000 defamation settlement.

Many such cases involved legitimate criticism of major corporations or wealthy public figures, and there are strong First Amendment arguments that a blogger’s anonymity should be protected. CyberSLAPP.org was set up in 2002 by several free expression organisations to highlight the use of court actions by powerful litigants to ‘out’ anonymous critics. As their site explains, the groups propose a legal standard for courts to follow in deciding whether to compel the identification of anonymous speakers. They demand suitable notice, an opportunity to be heard, and the right to have claims of wrongdoing detailed before requiring identification. The coalition also sets out ‘best practices’ for ISPs. They feature scores of case examples of their website for the information of defendants. Coalition members include the American Civil Liberties Union, the Center for Democracy and Technology, the Electronic Frontier Foundation, the Electronic Privacy Information Center, and Public Citizen.

In some countries bloggers might face much more serious consequences if they operate under their true identities. ISPs and other hosts have been all too willing to hand over their details to litigants and governments. The most famous example was the case of Chinese journalist Shi Tao who used his Yahoo! email account to send information about censorship policies to a foreign source. Yahoo’s Hong Kong branch handed his details over to the Chinese government without even questioning their authority or warning its client. Shi Tao was jailed for 10 years in 2005 for ‘divulging state secrets’. Even India, with a better record of free expression, demands ISPs reveal anonymous users’ identities. As Reporters Without Borders revealed, an Indian high court ordered Google to release the true identity of blogger ‘Toxic Writer’ who had posted critical comments about construction company Gremach.

If there is a lesson in all this, it is that anonymity is never guaranteed and bloggers and social media users need to take legal advice to weigh up the risks before attempting to hide behind a nom de plume or nom de guerre online.

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Australian journalists break surveillance laws every day #notw #law #journalism

By MARK PEARSON

Investigators need look no further than reporters’ desks in most Australian newsrooms to find evidence of journalists breaking surveillance and listening devices laws.

While there may be no evidence of blatant telephone and message bank hacking of the type revealed in the News of the World episode, technical breaches of state and federal laws are likely happening even as you read this.

Journalists often ask me whether their recordings of telephone interviews will stand up as evidence in defence of a defamation action. They are usually surprised to learn that they may be breaking state laws if they have not told an interviewee they are being recorded.

Most newsrooms also have emergency services radio scanners in operation for their police rounds reporting which is also a technical breach of eavesdropping laws, although law enforcement agencies have traditionally turned a blind eye to the practice.

As Mark Polden and I note in our book, The Journalist’s Guide to Media Law (Allen & Unwin, 2011), federal and state laws affect the use of surveillance and listening devices and place a range of restrictions on the publication of reports gained by the use of such devices.

Under Commonwealth law, it is an offence to intercept (listen to or record) a communication passing over a ‘telecommunications system’ without the knowledge of the person making the communication.

This is detailed in s. 7(1) of the Telecommunications (Interception and Access) Act 1979, which states:

A person shall not: (a) intercept; (b) authorize, suffer or permit another person to intercept; or (c) do any act or thing that will enable him or her or another person to intercept; a communication passing over a telecommunications system.

It is also an offence to use or publish, or retain a record of, information gained in this way. The courts have held that this applies to the use of a scanner to listen to mobile telephone conversations.

The most famous example of this was the interception of the uncomplimentary mobile phone conversation between former Victorian premier Jeff Kennett and then shadow minister Andrew Peacock about future prime minister John Howard in 1987. Scanner enthusiasts recorded the very frank late night chat which caused a political uproar when it subsequently appeared on newspaper front pages. The transcript and audio has been posted for posterity on australianpolitics.com.

The newspapers were not liable for the publication of the material because they were not party to the recording.

The High Court made a similar ruling with regards to material gained during a trespass by a third party in the landmark ABC v. Lenah Game Meats case in 2001. There, the ABC was permitted to broadcast film obtained from animal liberationists who had broken into a possum abattoir. If the ABC had been involved in the trespass in any way, the court would have restrained the publication.

But let’s return to the reporters’ daily phone recording practices. Each of the states and territories has legislation prohibiting the recording of a private conversation without the consent of all parties to the conversation by someone who is not a party to the conversation. Victorian, Queensland and Northern Territory laws seem to allow such a recording by a party to a conversation. Reporters would be wise to look closely at their own jurisdiction’s law and consult a lawyer on their practices under it.

The NSW Surveillance Devices Act was updated in 2007 to reflect modern surveillance devices. It states at s.11: “A person must not publish, or communicate to any person, a private conversation or a record of the carrying on of an activity, or a report of a private conversation or carrying on of an activity, that has come to the person’s knowledge as a direct or indirect result of the use of a listening device, an optical surveillance device or a tracking device in contravention of a provision of this Part.”

It is a defence to publish it with the express or implied permission from all parties to the conversation, or if there is an imminent threat of serious violence, property damage or a serious narcotics offence, or if it was recorded by someone else.

The general prohibition on listening devices applies to hidden tape recorders and cameras as well as emergency services radio scanners, and illegal private-eye-type bugging devices: it applies to any equipment used to record or listen to a private conversation.

When surveillance devices are accompanied by other deception, criminal laws can come into play, as they did with a story by Channel Nine’s A Current Affair in 2002. The ABC’s Media Watch reported that the program had hired undercover operatives to go into doctors’ surgeries in Brisbane, Adelaide and Perth to try to expose the ease with which GPs issued medical certificates to ‘sick’ employees wanting some time off work. After a complaint from one of the doctors stung by the set-up, one of the undercover operatives was arrested and convicted of ‘[imposing] upon any person . . . by any false or fraudulent representation either orally or in writing . . . with a view to obtain money or other benefit or advantage’ and fined $100.

In 2005, paparazzo photographer Jamie Fawcett was accused of planting a listening device outside actor Nicole Kidman’s Sydney property. However, police dropped the charges against him because they believed there was not enough evidence to satisfy a jury beyond reasonable doubt that Fawcett had planted the bug. However, when Fawcett later sued Fairfax, publisher of the Sun-Herald newspaper, for defamation, a Supreme Court justice found on the lower civil ‘balance of probabilities’ test that it was true that Fawcett had planted the bug. He lost the case as The Australian reported.

In June 2007, Channel Seven Perth was prevented from broadcasting a private conversation between an employer and employee, which it had obtained using a hidden camera. The Court of Appeal held that even though the hidden camera recording confirmed that the employee had been terminated after informing a manager that she was pregnant, which the court found was a matter of proper and legitimate public interest, the issue could have been covered adequately without the broadcast of the secret recording.

Karl Quinn pointed to other examples of Australian media use of private eyes and surveillance techniques in his Age article last week, including:

The Sydney Morning Herald using a PI in 2006 to help find murderer Gordon Wood.

A Current Affair reporter Ben Fordham and producer Andrew Byrne charged in 2009 over the secret filming of a man as he ordered a $12,000 contract killing. They were found guilty in July 2010 of breaching the NSW Listening Devices Act, but the charge was later dismissed.

– Private investigators hired by the rival tabloid television program Today Tonight posed as potential buyers of a helicopter owned by Larry Pickering, former cartoonist for The Australian. They secretly filmed and recorded Pickering piloting the helicopter.

– Investigative journalist Paul Barry used a hidden camera when interviewing serial killer Charles Sobraj in an Indian prison.

When you survey the above examples, it seems the most frequent defendants of charges over the misuse of surveillance techniques by the Australian media have been the evening commercial tabloid television current affairs programs Today Tonight and A Current Affair. That sector, along with the celebrity gossip infotainment found in tabloid newspapers and glossy magazines, have the most to fear from greater scrutiny of this kind of behaviour.

Meanwhile, reporters whose poor shorthand skills motivate them to record their telephone interviews would be wise to seek the permission of their sources before recording their conversations and probably even repeat that request after the recording starts so they have the permission on record.

Whatever recording they are doing is likely to come under close scrutiny in the wake of the News of the World developments, so they should seek legal advice before doing any phone recording, video surveillance or data tracking.

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Excellence in Research (#ERA) system a poor fit for #journalism research

By MARK PEARSON

The Australian Government conducted the first round of its ‘Excellence in Research for Australia (ERA)’ initiative in 2010 and the next round is scheduled for 2012.

The process has caused considerable angst across many disciplines, including both journalism and law. (Legal academics are specially concerned that important research done in the form of textbooks does not get recognition under the system.)

The latest edition of the Australian Journalism Review (vol. 33, no. 1, July 2011) features commentary from 11 academics on the implications of the ERA for journalism researchers. My contribution is reproduced below for the benefit of my blog followers.

Other contributors to the section include Graeme Turner, Michael Meadows, Anne Dunn, Alan Knight, Terry Flew, David Nolan & Libby Lester, Martin Conboy and Grant Hannis. They present a range of views, with a common theme that journalism researchers will need to be much more strategic in their approach to research if they hope to gain recognition from government and colleagues in other fields.

—————–

A poor fit for journalism research

By MARK PEARSON

Australian Journalism Review (vol. 33, no. 1, July 2011, pp. 25-27)

Excellence is a worthy goal. It is testimony to human progress that every generation has been advanced by a few individuals who have settled for nothing less. Often, however, those very same individuals have been derided by their peers or have failed the institutional tests of their day only to have their work acknowledged by future scholars. It took the research establishment four decades to recognise the pioneering genetic discoveries of 1983 Nobel laureate Barbara McClintock. Her work in the 1940s was so poorly regarded by her contemporaries that she was forced to publish most of her findings in the annual reports of her laboratory (Cherfas and Connor, 1983, p. 78).

The danger of the Excellence in Research for Australia Initiative (ERA) is that key elements of its design are already disadvantaging disciplines, institutions and individual researchers whose work does not fit neatly within politically and bureaucratically defined research ‘quality’. There may be no Barbara McClintocks among us, but journalism educators are already suffering the consequences of a flawed system offering a poor fit with research outputs often aimed at being relevant to professional practice in this country.

One of the key problems is that size does matter in this ERA process. Larger research units are rewarded because they are able to generate a critical mass of outputs to get them so far over the minimum submission threshold that they are able to nominate the very best work for review. This left journalism as a discipline without a submission under the 1903 code at most institutions and, at some, a submission where the bulk of the outputs were the work of just one or two researchers and therefore lacked depth and variety. While the Australian Research Council makes the claim that it is not assessing individual departments or programs, that is a fantasy when Journalism has a distinct code and it is readily identifiable within a particular institution. When that program has only one or two key researchers in that same institution, it is those individuals who get to bask in the glory or to wear the shame of the field’s ranking at that university. The recent move to allow multidisciplinary outputs to be assigned to a preferred discipline might help some of us reach the newly raised thresholds, but will not resolve this bias against the smaller institutions.

Size also matters in other ways. As a relatively small discipline, it means journalism is likely to earn fewer seats at the table in the ERA’s secret evaluation process. According to CEO Margaret Sheil’s foreword to the 2010 report (ARC, 2011), there were only 149 members of the research evaluation committees assessing 157 disciplines, meaning journalism could at best have had only one or two representatives. She stated about 500 peer reviewers from throughout the world were used across all disciplines, with no indication of how many were used for journalism. This added even further to the essentially qualitative nature of the process, and left key decisions about submissions in the hands of very few peers to judge them against ‘world standard’. Others have written on the murky terrain of ‘world standard’ and have questioned what cultural baggage reviewers might have brought to that task (Trounson, 2011). Were the reviewers really comparing our journalism research with that produced in New York, Cardiff, Zambia, and Ecuador? Without any agreed definition of world standard, or evidence of a standardised application in the ERA methodology, we have no choice but to conclude that the very process that has assessed our research would itself be ranked ‘well below world standard’ by any competent academic researcher.

This leads to aspects of the ERA of concern to journalists: a lack of transparency, a process of self-nominating conflicts of interest, and an abundance of spin. Secrecy and confidentiality abound in the selection of committee members and reviewers. They were gagged by confidentiality agreements and the conflict of interest provisions published by the ARC relied upon the reviewers themselves to identify any conflicts. Secrecy provisions prevented external scrutiny (ARC, 2010, pp. 23-24). Spin has already emanated from the ARC and university marketing offices in the wake of the first ERA round. A simple Google search for ‘ERA world standard’ shows several universities boasting about their results.

Institutions and the researchers in disciplines within them deserve feedback on their submissions so that they might aim to improve their performance next time. In journalism submissions, there are too many variables at play for institutions to know what has earned them the ranking they have been given. At the very least, they should be advised on the respective contributions of their creative works and their traditional outputs to their ranking in the discipline. Sadly, much more is expected of these institutions in the evaluation of their students than the ARC has provided in feedback to researchers.

The grandfathering of the collection process added to the injustice. Researchers’ work was judged on a six-year retrospective basis, but we were only aware of the rules of the process and the respective journal rankings for the year prior. Those fortunate enough to have been producing work meeting the new ‘quality’ criteria, and publishing into journals ranked A and A* did well, while the others only had a year or so to start making adjustments to their research careers. (The shift from journal rankings to a ‘journal quality profile’ announced on May 30 only stands to relieve this pressure if it is articulated clearly what constitutes ‘quality’ in such a profile, but researchers will still have to live with their past ‘mistakes’ if their outputs have not met the newly defined standard.) Again, the relative smallness of our discipline works against us here. Many journalism educators were happy to have their research about Australian journalism education published in the three or four academic journals catering to this market in the region. Whole CVs changed when the main outlet, Australian Journalism Review was downgraded to a B in the journal rankings after the 2009 trial. Senior researchers who had published there over the six-year collection period saw their research careers eroded in one simple regrading process – all retrospective. The same stands to happen now that rankings have been replaced by this quality profile, and again when any further refinement is introduced. Until the grandfathering is changed, it will always take us five or six years to adjust to the latest tinkering with the criteria.

All that said, most who have entered journalism education from industry did not have academic research as their primary goal. While many have grown to enjoy it and excel at it, their original motivation was to share their experience with a new generation of journalists in the tertiary classroom. Many have found ways to embrace research while still retaining an applied focus, often by writing textbooks or by researching topics of applied value to Australian journalists and newsrooms. Much of the research we have done has been about Australian journalism practice and has often had implications for the classroom or the newsroom. Often it has related to the fast-changing technological and economic changes affecting journalism. Its intended audience has been Australian journalism students, Australian journalism education colleagues and the Australian journalism industry so we have looked to an Australian journal as the most logical outlet, and preferably one where the work could get traction as soon as possible. Under the rules of the last round, if we sought high regard academically we had to aim for esteemed international journals with long review and publication lead-times, rendering much of our work dated before it is published, if it is not considered too parochial on the international stage to be published at all. We have yet to learn whether new ‘quality profile’ will have a different imperative.

The ranking process was already feeding promotions and appointments at universities with committees scanning vitae for A* journal publications. No doubt it has already changed the research emphasis of journalism academics, and the jury is out on whether the new quality profile will reverse this. While the ERA process allows for the submission of creative works as a form of research, it is likely that career advancement will be limited to those pursuing research of a more timeless and esoteric nature in highly regarded international journals. It is not a model that seems to accommodate what many of us see as our mission: producing quality research with an applied local focus. There will be ways to adapt, of course, and journalism educators have proven themselves excellent chameleons. However, if we were asked to invent a system of assessing the quality of our work, I am sure it would be much more reflective of the mission of applied journalism education and inclusive of the needs of our students and professional colleagues.

 

Author

Mark Pearson is professor of journalism at Bond University, Gold Coast, Queensland, Australia.

 

 

References

 

Australian Research Council (2011). Excellence in Research for Australia 2010 National Report. Australian Government, Canberra. Retrieved from http://www.arc.gov.au/pdf/ERA_report.pdf

 

Australian Research Council (2010). Excellence in Research for Australia. ERA 2010 Evaluation Guidelines. Australian Government, Canberra. Retrieved from http://www.arc.gov.au/pdf/ERA2010_eval_guide.pdf

 

Cherfas, Jeremy and Steve Connor. (1983, Oct 13). How restless DNA was tamed. New Scientist. Vol. 100 No 1379, pp. 78-79.

 

Trounson, Andrew. (2011, Feb 9). More than mates’ ratings: ARC chief Margaret Sheil. The Australian. Retrieved from http://www.theaustralian.com.au/higher-education/more-than-mates-ratings-arc-chief-margaret-sheil/story-e6frgcjx-1226002411524

 

 

 

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Who was first to tweet from court?

By MARK PEARSON

Social media has thus far had a mixed reception in the courtroom.

Tweets from those involved in court cases have been highly publicised recently. Of course, jurors are not allowed to make any kind of contact with the accused. Exactly that led to Manchester mother of three Joanne Fraill, 40, being sentenced to eight months in jail by London’s high court last month for exchanging Facebook messages with the accused in a drug trial while she was serving on the jury. She also searched online for information about another defendant while she and the other jurors were still deliberating. All this went against clear instructions from the judge to jurors to stay away from the Internet.

But who was the first person to send a tweet from court – and who was the first court reporter to do so with the permission of the judge?

Times journalist Alexi Mostrous made history with this tweet in December, 2010: ‘Judge just gave me explicit permission to tweet proceedings if it’s quiet and doesn’t disturb anything’. He was tweeting from Wikileaks founder Julian Assange’s bail hearing in London, where chief magistrate Howard Riddle had granted permission to reporters to use social media to post updates on the sensational court appearance of the free Internet warrior. A few days later the High Court banned the use of Twitter in the appeal against that decision and later ruled it would be at the discretion of the judge in future cases.

It was not a world first because other judges had permitted the use of Twitter in their courtrooms. Just over a year earlier, Australian Federal Court judge Dennis Cowdroy allowed technology reporters to tweet from his Sydney courtroom during the landmark iiNet copyright case.

In February 2009 in Stockholm a defendant in the Pirate Party case, Peter Sunde (@brokep), tweeted from the courtroom: “Might this be the first twitter from within a court case? It must be a #spectrial.” It was not. Some judges in the US had already let reporters tweet from court. Judge Mark Bennett in Iowa allowed reporter Trish Mehaffy from the Cedar Rapids Gazette to blog from his courtroom on January 27, 2008. Others were much slower to embrace the practice, as the Citizen Media Law Project noted. New Jersey Judge David E. Grine certainly did not tolerate drink-driving defendant Scott Ruzal tweeting from the courtroom in May 2009: “When all else fails, try ignorance. I watched four cops lie on a witness stand today and I didn’t say a word”. German courts were also loathe to allow the practice, with a reporter evicted from the District Court Koblenz when he attempted to tweet from a murder trial.

An early tweet from a criminal justice situation was that of student journalist James Karl Buck who in April 2008 sent a single word message – “Arrested” – on his way to the police station after being apprehended during an anti-government protest in Egypt.

That said, it is hard to distinguish micro-blogging via Twitter from straight ‘blogging’ using other media forms in the first few months of Twitter’s existence. The forensic trail of who might have tweeted from the courtroom is harder to follow in those early days because news reports may well have used the term ‘blogging’ when Twitter was still relatively unknown.

By mid-2011 social media was even being used by the police as a PR vehicle. In the UK, Birmingham police ran a ‘tweet-a-thon’ from a magistrate’s court to show followers how their arrests worked their way through the system. And in Australia, the Queensland Police Service allowed citizens to debate crimes, arrests and court appearances on its Facebook wall, the subject of my last blog.

It is important to clarify as soon as possible who was indeed the first to use the medium for reporting purposes because we all know that once such a first has been claimed it is almost impossible to correct the historical record.

The media have so often been wrong in claiming ‘firsts’ that it would be a mistake to do so here.

So, who was the first reporter to tweet from a courtroom?

Are there any advances on Trish Mehaffy in Iowa in early 2008, who according to the ABA Law Journal micro-blogged with the permission of Judge Mark Bennett?


Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

© Mark Pearson 2011

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UPDATES: See: http://papers.ssrn.com/sol3/papers.cfm?abstract_id=1888025
‘A Little Bird Told Me About the Trial: Revising Court Rules to Allow Reporting from the Courtroom Via Twitter’. BNA Electronic Commerce & Law Report, Vol. 15, September 15, 2010
Mark L. Tamburri, et. al. Abstract
Over the past year, a handful of courts around the country have confronted the novel issue of whether to allow reporting of criminal trials from inside the courtroom via Twitter, the micro-blogging and social networking service. While courtroom “tweeting” provides the public with innovative and current access to trial information, certain rules banning or otherwise restricting cameras in the courtroom can also be read to prohibit tweeting from the courtroom. These rules, however, were never drafted with Twitter in mind. Given the increasing use of Twitter and related technologies by mainstream news media, it is likely that state rules committees will soon be seeking to revise the language of certain rules. This article provides a brief overview of the media’s increasing use of Twitter to report on trials from within courtrooms. The balance of the article details considerations – both legal and practical – that rules committees will necessarily have to weigh to address this emerging trend.

… and via @MarshallYoum: CA law: jurors will be prohibited from tweeting from courtroom. bit.ly/pxyqVs Gov Brown signs the new state law.

 

 

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Police Facebook wall raises fair trial questions

By MARK PEARSON

Sunday Mail reporter Anthony Gough called me last week seeking my views on a Queensland Police Service Facebook site featuring public comments on crimes and arrests.

Of course, before making a media comment on the matter I took a closer look at the site.

I quickly formed the view that it seemed an excellent community policing tool and a great way for police to get information about unsolved crimes but that many comments crossed the line once suspects had been arrested.

One comment called for a firing squad for a suspect charged over an assault on a police officer. A common view was that despite good police work in making an arrest, justice would not be done in the courts and the suspects would get off with a mere ‘slap on the wrist’.

My interview featured in an article in the Sunday Mail yesterday (June 19) headed ‘Police social media site a disgracebook’.

The article became the most viewed item on the newspaper’s site yesterday and remains in the top ten most popular items this morning (June 20).

It has already generated almost 400 ‘likes’ and comments on the police Facebook wall where it was republished with the warning: “A timely reminder why we ask you to familiarise yourself with the terms of use of the QPS page, and to be circumspect in your comments.”

Gough quoted me as saying some of the public comments about arrests could jeopardise convictions and perhaps even lead to acquittals.

“Police need to be concerned about this because prejudicial comments about arrests can actually finish up jeopardising the trial,” I told him.

“It may be counterproductive for a conviction or it may cause a delay.

“Either way it’s a huge cost to the community and I’m surprised the minister for police and the attorney-general are allowing this to continue.”

I questioned whether it was appropriate for the police service to be hosting a site with such comments and suggested it could prompt actions for contempt of court or defamation suits.

Criminal defence lawyer Bill Potts shared my concerns.

QPS media director Kym Charlton was quoted as saying the police were aware of the legal issues but felt the benefits outweighed the risks and the site was monitored and the users educated on appropriate use.

It was only after I revisited the QPS Facebook site after the interview that I found even more concerning material.

A 19-year-old man had been charged with armed assault after allegedly hitting a five-year-old boy with a golf club. The police report outlined the basic facts, then the public let fly with scores of comments:

“HITTING A 5 yo WITH A GOLF CLUB? You totally disgusting, lowlife scumbag.”

“Any one who can attack a young child like that needs to be put in the prison system and not protected lets see him be such a big man when other prisnors find out he injured a 5 year old boy, i got to say i do not think they will be treating him withh open arms….justice i think…”

“HITTING A 5 yo WITH A GOLF CLUB? You totally disgusting, lowlife scumbag. HOW DARE YOU! It’s people like you that make me sick to the stomach.”

A relative of the victim entered the fray: “No Jason and Julia – He is just pure scum and the facts are all there. Agree with Steph. It was not on the backswing and our nephew was not in the way. Totally unprovoked attack. I hope this horrible man gets everything he deserves.”

A Queensland police moderator called for restraint: “We understand the emotion that incidents like this evoke. Please keep it civil. Offensive language posts deleted.”

The following day the boy’s father entered the discussion: “Just to clear things up for everyone, it was my boy who was hit & this was no accident. The guy was standing near the door of the shop at the range and as we walked in he held the club up as to hit me but he side stepped me and took a full “baseball style” swing which hit my son in the neck. [deleted] you will be pleased to know i used the clause in the law you described. My son is recovering & we can only hope justice is done to keep this freak from harming anyone else. For all the people who are commenting on the two sides to every story i agree, i don’t know what his side of the story is, all i can say is we had never seen this man before, we did not speak to him, it was a totally random, violent & cowardly attack. It is pure luck that my sons injuries were not more serious.”

In the interim the accused had appeared in court on the serious charges and had been refused bail.

From the moment of his arrest, the matter had become part of the justice process, when public comment has traditionally been restricted to fair and accurate reports of what occurs in the courtroom – along with the basic undisputed facts of the matter.

The traditional media still have to work within these rules or face charges of sub judice contempt of court for posing a substantial risk to the fair trial of the accused. It is a charge that has seen Australian journalists fined and jailed.

There is particular sensitivity about comments going to the guilt or innocence of the accused, and many of the police media site comments do exactly that.

Another important aspect of this law is that the comments of witnesses should not be published during the sub judice period so it does not affect their testimony when given as evidence in court.

Witnesses are not expected to know this themselves but here the Queensland police site provides the platform for them to vent their views and give their versions of events that should be reserved for the appropriate time in the courtroom.

In this matter the father was a key witness and mainstream media would have held back on publishing his comments unless as a fair and accurate report of his testimony in court.

Another factor is that child victims and witnesses cannot be identified. By hosting the publication of the father’s comment under his name, the police Facebook page is indirectly identifying the child.

The QPS Facebook site has an audience of more than 200,000, higher than most daily newspapers. Other law enforcement agencies with a social media presence.  Examples are the Northern Territory Police Force, SA Police News, Victoria Police Forcebook, and NSW Police Force.

They are a wonderful emergency communication tool and the Queensland Police site was used to great effect during last summer’s floods.

They are also an excellent vehicle for police to get information on unsolved crimes. Postings before a suspect has been arrested are not subject to contempt laws, although there is always the ongoing risk of defamation.

Apparently the technology does not allow for certain items to be comment-free, so the personnel monitoring the site need to delete offensive comments already posted.

I suggest they restrict items to the emergency, community information and intelligence seeking functions, deleting the announcements of arrests -unless a mechanism can be found for running them without comments.

The alternative would be a major overhaul of the justice publicity rules to accommodate the social media era, which would give us a system closer to that in the US where there is much more freedom to comment on cases in progress.

But such a change would need to come via legislative changes across Australia’s nine state, and territory and federal jurisdictions, not through via the communication offices of police forces.

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Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

© Mark Pearson 2011

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Trivialising a gag on free expression

By MARK PEARSON

It was not surprising that many citizens would support the Victorian government’s ban on swearing in public places allowing police to issue $238.90 on the spot fines for profanities.

What was disappointing was the support of the language ban and the police powers by the former editor of The Age and the Herald-Sun, Bruce Guthrie (The Age, 12.6.11).

His opinion piece was tongue-in-cheek, with token swearing puns in the heading, intro and conclusion.

He derided the small crowd of protesters who demonstrated outside State Parliament against the law and suggested their cause paled in comparison with his own anti-Vietnam war and pro-indigenous apology protest marches.

Guthrie’s support for the laws was in part a call for ‘public propriety’ and partly a hope that swearers might extend their vocabulary beyond the profane.

But it amazes me that a former editor of major daily newspapers should so readily support a gag on speech and an extension of police powers.

He must have editorialised countless times on our freedom to communicate and upon police abuse of the powers they already have.

Swearing in public might not seem like a major free expression issue, but offensive language and behaviour has been at the centre of some of the free world’s most important judicial decisions.

Guthrie’s trite opinion piece happened to appear just as I was reading Ronald Collins and Sam Chaltain’s excellent history of US First Amendment cases – We Must Not Be Afraid to Be Free – Stories of Free Expression in America.

They explain that not all speech is protected in the United States, but make it clear that the Supreme Court has taken the right so seriously that obscenities and profanities have been protected when they have had a political message.

The F-bomb was even protected in the context of Guthrie’s heartfelt anti-Vietnam War cause in Cohen v. California in 1971 when a protester wore a jacket emblazoned with the words ‘Fuck the Draft’.

In January this year a superior court ruled a similar provision to the Victorian law unconstitutional in North Carolina after a woman appealed her arrest for using the words ‘damn’ and ‘assholes’ at police who had directed her to move along.

Some might feel the US has gone too far with its First Amendment protections. Journalists do not normally form part of this group. Neither does the New Zealand Supreme Court, it seems, which this year decided its Bill of Rights free expression provision protected Valerie Morse, an anti-war protester who burned her country’s flag during an Anzac Day dawn memorial service in Wellington. Her conviction for offensive behaviour was set aside on this basis. Surely burning your nation’s flag during a sacred day of remembrance is more ‘offensive’ than dropping the ‘f’ word in a Melbourne mall?

But an Economist blogger points to the greater concern about the Victorian gag law – that it will be used disproportionately against juveniles and minorities. They end with: “…let’s hope this is one of those laws on the books but never enforced…”

Guthrie puts us straight there when he reveals that 800 infringement notices for offensive language had already been issued by Victorian police during the new law’s trial during the 2009-10 financial year. Clearly, the police have not been reluctant to use their new powers.

Guthrie has exercised his own right to free expression by taking on News Limited in his recent court battle over unfair dismissal and his subsequent book Man Bites Murdoch revealing the inner workings of that organisation. He was able to write it because there is some semblance of free expression in this country, though it is being steadily eroded by politically expedient laws like this one in Victoria and by editors who appear blind to the fact that there is no such thing as a ‘minor’ act of censorship.

* Mark Pearson is professor of journalism at Bond University and Australian correspondent for Reporters Without Borders. He tweets from @journlaw and blogs from journlaw.com

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Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

© Mark Pearson 2011

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