Tag Archives: media freedom

Watch my UNESCO World Press Freedom Day lecture live on May 3

Press Release – AUT University

UNESCO WORLD PRESS FREEDOM DAY LECTURE
Hosted by the Pacific Media Centre and supported by the New Zealand National
Commission for UNESCO and the School of Communication Studies

Press freedom, social media and the citizen

Professor Mark Pearson
Griffith University

Friday, May 3, 5.30-7.30pm
Communications Precinct
Lecture Theatre WG126
Sir Paul Reeves Building
2 Governor Fitzroy Place
Auckland City

Speech starts at 4pm AEST, Friday May 3, with live streaming link at AUT On Demand: http://tinyurl.com/cryjgu6

Does social media mean press freedom is now for everyone?

The theme for this year’s UNESCO World Press Freedom Day on May 3, “Safe to speak: Securing freedom of expression in all media”, broadens the debate. It opens the way for an exploration of the libertarian origins of press freedom and the advent of social media and citizen journalism at a time when we are looking for new models of media responsibility and ethics – beyond a social responsibility model – some of which embrace cultural and religious notions of truth and story-telling.

Dr Mark Pearson is Professor of Journalism and Social Media at Griffith University, Australia, and has long been an advocate of press freedom. He is the Australian correspondent of the Paris-based global media freedom advocacy organisation Reporters Sans Frontières (Reporters Without Borders). Professor Pearson has combined careers in teaching and journalism. He was special reports editor of The Australian newspaper and his work has been published in the Wall Street Journal, Far Eastern Economic Review, The Fiji Times, the Pacific Area Newspaper Publishers Association Bulletin and Crikey.com.au

Over the past two decades, Professor Pearson has also been involved with Pacific journalism at several levels. As author of The Journalist’s Guide to Media Law (4th edition with Mark Polden, Allen & Unwin, 2011), he has conducted media law training sessions for Pacific journalists in Fiji, Papua New Guinea, Samoa and Tonga. Professor Pearson is on the editorial board of the Pacific Journalism Review and is a former editor of the Australian Journalism Review. His latest book is Blogging and Tweeting Without Getting Sued (Allen & Unwin, 2012). He blogs from journlaw.com and tweets from @journlaw
Also, the new International Federation of Journalists (IFJ) documentary Media Freedom in the Pacific will be screened.

Live streaming link at AUT On Demand: http://tinyurl.com/cryjgu6

Content Sourced from scoop.co.nz

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Narrow escape for a fragile freedom #medialaws

By MARK PEARSON (@journlaw)

[Here is a taste of my commentary in The Conversation today.]

It is just a week since the Gillard government withdrew the four media reform bills for which it could not garner the necessary support from the crossbench MPs.

The proposal that concerned me most as a media law scholar and free expression advocate was the News Media (Self-regulation) Bill. This would have given an individual the power to deregister bodies, like the Australian Press Council, if they failed to police effectively the ethical standards of their newspaper and online members.

The big stick the so-called Public Interest Media Advocate would have wielded was the withdrawal of media companies’ journalism exemption from the Privacy Act – a penalty that stood to send newspapers broke through its demands of bureaucratic compliance. I detailed this problem in a blog republished on The Conversation last week, describing it as a defacto form of licensing. Many vested political and commercial interests were at stake in this debate.

There are lessons for all to learn from the events of the past fortnight and from the broader media regulation debate of the preceding year. Free expression is often described as a “fragile freedom”, perpetually at risk in a democracy like Australia where it lacks any explicit constitutional protection.

It is a mistake to view free expression through the lens of your own political allegiances. My observation after more than two decades researching in the area and several years as Australia’s correspondent for Reporters Without Borders, is that governments of all political persuasions can present major threats to media freedom.

This week’s blog was commissioned by The Conversation. Read more at http://theconversation.com/media-reforms-lessons-from-a-narrow-escape-to-a-fragile-freedom-13123

© Mark Pearson 2013

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Why #Assange and journalists should not sue for #defamation

By MARK PEARSON

 

It is always sad to see journalists and free expression advocates threatening to sue over the reportage and commentary of others.

 

Of course, journalists and freedom fighters are citizens too – so they certainly have the right to resort to defamation action to achieve their ends and to help restore reputational damage they may have suffered.

 

But we have heard today that two Australians – Wikileaks’ Julian Assange and Sunday Telegraph reporter Jonathan Marshall – are threatening defamation action over commentary about their respective roles as public figures. That is a great shame.

 

Two years ago – soon after the editor of a national daily newspaper threatened to sue a journalism academic – I penned a piece for Crikey! outlining my reasons editors should refrain from resorting to litigation when they take umbrage at comments made in the cut and thrust of public debate. I’ve those comments here to adapt them to the circumstances of these latest threats.

 

The reality is that any media outlet worth its salt – and Wikileaks more than most! – is in the defamation business. The columns of newspapers, news websites and the broadcast news outlets should be laden thick with defamation every day if their journalists are doing their jobs properly.

 

Lord Northcliffe is supposed to have said: “News is what somebody somewhere wants to suppress; all the rest is advertising.” But the bulk of that defamatory material is — or should be — defensible. The defences vary somewhat between countries, and between jurisdictions within countries, but most allow truthful defamation, defamation in the public interest published reasonably, defamatory opinions on public matters based on provable facts, and fair and accurate defamatory reportage of important public gatherings.

 

Law in the United States developed further under its constitutional First Amendment protection of a free press to allow even untruths about public figures to be published, so long as they were not published maliciously.

 

Journalists and free expression warriors like Julian Assange do not normally sue over public commentary — for a host of reasons.

 

  • Given they are in the defamation business themselves, most see it as part of the cut and thrust of public debate.
  • Many understand the defences and realise that the reputational slur will often be protected.
  • Journalists are used to telephoning people and having it out with them at an intellectual level. Many disputes are resolved that way, both for and against the media.
  • Most realise there are other avenues of recourse, perhaps through their own medium and perhaps via some mechanism for complaint.
  • Most are too poor, and defamation litigation can be unpredictable and costly, particularly if it reaches the appeal stage.

 

To balance this, of course, occasionally someone will make the most heinous false allegation about a journalist of a sexual nature, and everyone would understand them pursuing the matter through the courts, particularly if there were no other means of recourse.

 

But most have an editor or a news director who will counsel them against using libel laws to resolve a dispute, which brings us to the additional reasons editors rarely sue. (Remember, Assange has carried the title ‘editor-in-chief’ of Wikileaks).

 

  • Most have editorialised countless times about press freedom and it runs, like ink, through their veins. Most have quoted Voltaire, Milton, Mill, Jefferson and Burke in their editorials espousing how truth will win out and defending all citizens’ right to free expression. This extends to even allowing untruths to be aired and demolished in the marketplace of ideas. As Milton wrote: “Let her and falsehood grapple; who ever knew truth put to the worse, in a free and open encounter.’ Assange himself stands on a free expression platform, and recently drew upon that principle in his call for the US to cease its pursuit of him.
  • Editors fear their own example in suing for defamation will encourage more lawsuits against their own media outlet by others. It sends a message to the rich and powerful everywhere that even editors believe libel action is a superior method of dispute resolution to a Press Council, ACMA or journalists’ union complaint.
  • Most editors and news directors have been involved in litigation themselves or have witnessed how time-consuming and distracting it can be for their journalists. Four Corners investigative reporter Chris Masters laments the decade he spent in the courts justifying his Moonlight State expose of corruption in Queensland. Most see lawyers and litigation as enormous time wasters, distracting them from their greater purpose.
  • That said, some have been at the forefront of pursuing free expression through the courts. The Australian, through its parent company Nationwide News, was crucial in 1994 convincing the High Court to overturn a law that banned criticism of the Industrial Relations Commission or its members. This was one plank in the court’s development of an implied constitutional freedom to communicate on matters of politics and government and an historic victory for media freedom.
  • Most editors and news directors would be loath to expose their own behaviour and their companies’ past performance to the scrutiny that is inevitable in the discovery process and trial. They might be purer than the Pope or the Dalai Lama, but lawyers will inevitably find, or create, examples in their past that erode their case. Most have seen this happen in countless pyrrhic victories in the courts where the “winner” has had all sorts of character slurs made against them.
  • Related to this is the media coverage attached to the case itself, which normally increases a hundredfold the repetition of the original slur. Many a successful plaintiff has later said they regretted the whole process.
  • Most have belonged to industry groups fighting for free expression in society.
  • Most abhor the use of libel as a weapon in despotic regimes throughout the world and many are members of organisations fighting against this.
  • Most in Western democratic countries secretly covet the US First Amendment, which makes public figures fair game, particularly when the defamation — even falsities — relates to their performance.

 

Finally, and most importantly, unlike doctors, lawyers, sportspeople or politicians, the very act of suing for libel sends a reputational message about the journalist, editor or freedom fighter himself or herself: that they are the kind of person who would use a defamation action to pursue someone else who has exercised free expression.

 

Unlike any other, that very act puts their reputation as a journalist on the line among their peers and the broader thinking community. Most would prefer to be remembered for their accomplishments as a journalist or editor than to become a textbook case as one of the few who sued to shut someone else up.

 

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See journlaw.com’s DEFAMATION update page for a range of recent defamation cases, many of which have involved social media.

© Mark Pearson 2012

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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