Tag Archives: ethics

‘Mindful Journalism’ – the topic of our forthcoming book with Routledge

By MARK PEARSON

THE term ‘mindful journalism’ is a concept I introduced more than a year ago in the inaugural UNESCO World Press Freedom address at AUT University Auckland.

I fleshed it out further in a paper delivered to the International Association for Media and Communication Research (IAMCR) conference in Dublin in July 2014, which was revised for publication as a forthcoming article in Ethical Space to be published in December.

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Our book preview on the Routledge website

My esteemed colleague, Emeritus Professor Shelton Gunaratne has been working for decades on the intersection between of Buddhism and journalism, and I was honoured to be invited onto a book project he was developing with Sri Lankan colleague Dr Sugath Senarath [pdf file] from the University of Colombo.

We were delighted when Routledge New York accepted our proposal for hard cover publication in March 2015 as part of its Research in Journalism series.

Our book is titled Mindful Journalism and News Ethics in the Digital Era: A Buddhist Approach and it features chapters by several scholars from Asia, North America, Australia and Europe.

As outlined in the publisher’s synopsis:

“This book aims to be the first comprehensive exposition of “mindful journalism”—drawn from core Buddhist ethical principles—as a fresh approach to journalism ethics. It suggests that Buddhist mindfulness strategies can be applied purposively in journalism to add clarity, fairness and equity to news decision-making and to offer a moral compass to journalists facing ethical dilemmas in their work. It comes at a time when ethical values in the news media are in crisis from a range of technological, commercial and social factors, and when both Buddhism and mindfulness have gained considerable acceptance in Western societies. Further, it aims to set out foundational principles to assist journalists dealing with vulnerable sources and recovering from traumatic assignments.”

My chapter on ‘The Journalist and Mental Cultivation’ addresses the application to journalism of the final three steps of the Buddha’s Noble Eightfold Path – the mental cultivation (or concentration) dimension of the magga; namely Right Effort (samma vayama), Right Mindfulness (samma sati) and Right Concentration (samma samadhi).

The section on Right Effort calls for journalists to apply a steady, patient and purposeful path to the achievement of ethical practice. It suggests the need for an effort to find and implement sound perspectives and practices that one lacks and to shore up those that one already possesses.

The section on Right Mindfulness explains how journalists might take time out of a stressful situation to focus upon breathing; to pause to meditate upon the rationale for pursuing a story in a certain way, to weigh implications of reportage on stakeholders and to find peace for strategic planning and clarifying context for one’s role and career trajectory.

The section on Right Concentration compares the phenomenon the expression “grace under fire” that is required of consummate professionals in the midst of covering a major news event. It is at this time that top journalists actually enter “the zone” and are able to draw on core ethical values and ingrained professional skills to report within deadline.

The chapter offers several examples from journalism to illustrate the approach and suggests techniques that can be implemented in a secular way by journalists from a range of cultural and religious backgrounds to enhance their ethical practice and the public significance of their reportage.

We are excited at the potential for the project – particularly in a period when journalists and bloggers are accused of having lost their ‘moral compass’ – and we are on track to submit all chapters within the publisher’s October 1 deadline.

https://twitter.com/prbizdaily/status/512866457156194304

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Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

© Mark Pearson 2014

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Court restrictions on identifying children in Australia – a guide for journalists

By MARK PEARSON

We have removed the comparative reporting restrictions tables from the  fifth edition of The Journalist’s Guide to Media Law (Allen & Unwin, 2014) which will be published later this year.

Co-author Mark Polden and I have decided to move these comparative tables on reporting restrictions throughout Australia across to this blog – journlaw.com – so we could free up space in the new edition to discuss other important issues such as media law for public relations consultants and the implications of digital and social media.

We will work to update the reporting and publishing restrictions tables over coming months, but for the moment I am publishing them as they stood at the date of our fourth edition in 2011.

As I upload them over coming weeks I would appreciate any students or colleagues using the comments section below to advise of any updates in your jurisdictions and I will act to update the tables accordingly.

Looking forward to your collaborative input!

——

Restrictions on reports of proceedings involving children

Note: NO identification of parties or witnesses in any way under the Commonwealth Family Law Act s. 121.

Jurisdiction Law  Exceptions  Legislation 
ACT  Reports of proceedings: Media allowed to report. ID: Cannot be identified. Cannot publish account of family group conference— None mentioned.  Criminal Code 2002, s. 712A. Children and Young People Act 2008, s. 77. 
NSW Reports of proceedings: Media allowed to stay and report. ID: No ID of child mentioned or otherwise involved (including victims and witnesses) living or dead, during or after proceedings, or their siblings.— Court may close proceedings. Court may allow ID or children aged 16 or over can authorise.(Seek legal advice on this.) Or senior next of kin or court (if deceased).

 

Children (Criminal Proceedings)Act 1987, s. 15A; Children and Young Persons (Care and Protection) Act 1998, ss. 104 and 105; Young Offenders Act 1997, s. 65. 
NT  Reports of proceedings: Open court and reports allowed. ID: No restriction.— Magistrate may close court or order suppression.  Youth Justice Act 2005, ss. 49, 50. 
Qld  Reports of proceedings: No. ID: No ID of child accused without court’s permission. No ID of child witness in sexual matter. ID of child witness okay in other matters unless ordered otherwise. Cannot ID authorised officer or police officer in matters with child witnesses. No ID info about child victims. No ID of children subject to allegations of harm or risk of harm or in state custody or guardianship.— Judge may order publication of identifying information for heinous crimes. Court can permit reporting when otherwise prohibited.Child victim can consent after becoming adult if fully informed of publication matter, audience and reason. Youth Justice Act 1992, ss. 234, 301. Child Protection Act 1999, ss. 189, 192, 193. 
SA  Reports of proceedings: Court open to ‘genuine representatives of news media’. No family care proceedings reports. ID: No ID of child parties, witnesses or victims,or other persons other than in official capacity without their permission, including name, address or school. Documentaries may be approved under strict conditions.— Courts can authorise some reports and ID.  Youth Court Act 1993, s. 24; Young Offenders Children’s   Protection Act 1993, s. 59, Children’s Protection Act 1993, s. 13; 59A. 
Jurisdiction  Law  Exceptions  Legislation 
Tas Reports of proceedings: No provision for media to be present without permission of court. ID: No ID of youths or youth witnesses.— Permission of court.  Youth Justice Act 1997, ss. 30, 31; Magistrates Court (Children’s Division) Act 1998, ss. 11, 12. 
Vic Reports of proceedings: Open court and media allowed to report. ID: No identification of child accused or any witnesses to case. No mention of court venue. Long list of banned ID particulars for children and witnesses including: name, title, pseudonym, alias of the person, home or work address or localit0, school or locality; physical description or style of dress; occupation or calling; relationship to identified others; interests or beliefs; real or personal property. No photos.— Permission of court.  Children, Youth and Families Act   2005, ss. 523, 534. 
WA  Reports of proceedings: Yes ID: No ID on child involved in proceedings in any way. No ID of child subject of a protection application or order.— Court can exclude persons. Supreme Court can authorise ID of child.  Children’s Court of Western Australia Act 1988, ss. 31, 35, 36, 36A. Children and Community Services Act 2004, s. 234 

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Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

© Mark Pearson 2014

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Sexual offences publishing restrictions in Australia – a guide for journalists

By MARK PEARSON

Our fifth edition of The Journalist’s Guide to Media Law (Allen & Unwin, 2014) goes to the printer this week for publication later this year.

Co-author Mark Polden and I have decided to move some of the comparative tables on reporting restrictions throughout Australia across to this blog – journlaw.com – so we could free up space in the new edition to discuss other important issues such as media law for public relations consultants and the implications of digital and social media.

We will work to update the reporting and publishing restrictions tables over coming months, but for the moment I am publishing them as they stood at the date of our fourth edition in 2011.

As I upload them over coming weeks I would appreciate any students or colleagues using the comments section below to advise of any updates in your jurisdictions and I will act to update the tables accordingly.

Looking forward to your collaborative input!

 

Sexual offences publication restrictions

Jurisdiction  Law Exception Legislation
ACT Complainant must not be identified by name, ‘reference or allusion’, including allowing someone to find out their ‘private, business or official address, email address or telephone number’.


 

Complainant may consent. (Seek legal advice on proving consent.) Evidence (Miscellaneous Provisions) Act 1999, s. 40.
New South Wales
Complainant must not be identified, even after proceedings disposed of. With permission of court. Consent of complainant aged over 14. (Seek legal advice.) With consent of court for   complainants aged under 16.


 

Crimes Act 1900, s. 578A; Children (Criminal Proceedings) Act 1987, s. 15A.
Northern Territory
Complainant must not be identified at all. Accused cannot be identified until after committal. No mention of ‘name, address, school or place of employment’ for either.


 

With permission of court. Sexual Offences (Evidence and Procedure) Act 1983, ss. 6, 7 and 11(2).
Queensland Complainant must not be identified at all. Accused cannot be identified until after committal. No mention of ‘name, address, school or place of employment’ for either. With permission of court.Protection for accused only applies to ‘prescribed sexual offences’:
(a) rape;
(b) attempt to commit rape;
(c) assault with intent to commit rape;
(d) an offence defined in the Criminal Code, section 352.1. Seek legal advice about other offences.


 

Criminal Law (Sexual Offences) Act 1978, ss. 6 and 7.
South Australia Case and related proceedings including identity of accused cannot be reported until accused has been committed for trial. Complainant must not be identified at any stage.Publishers must publish prominent report of result of proceedings they have covered at earlier stage when accused has been identified.


 

  • Pre-committal reports can be made with permission of accused. (Seek advice.)
  • Complainant can be identified with his/her permission or order of court unless child victim.
Evidence Act 1929, ss. 71A and B.
Tasmania Complainant and witnesses other than defendant must not be identified, even if dead. Also bans ‘any picture purporting to be a picture of any of those persons’.


 

Court may allow identification ‘in the public interest’. Evidence Act 2001, s. 194K.
Victoria Complainant must not be identified, even if proceedings not pending. If proceedings not pending, with permission of court or complainant (seek legal advice) or on proof that no complaint of offence had yet been made to police. If proceedings pending, with permission of court only.


 

Judicial Proceedings Reports Act 1958, s. 4.
Western Australia Complainant and their school must not be identified. With authorisation in writing by complainant aged over 18 and mentally capable of making decision. (Seek legal advice.)


 

Evidence Act 1906, s. 36c.

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Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

© Mark Pearson 2014

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Announcing the fifth edition of The Journalist’s Guide to Media Law

By MARK PEARSON

Co-author Mark Polden and I are in the final stages of production of the fifth edition of The Journalist’s Guide to Media Law, to be published later this year.

We are re-engaging with the print medium as we apply our eagle eyes to the final hard copy galley proofs – our last chance for amendments and updates – before it goes to the printer for the production process.

Much has changed since our last edition in 2011, particularly in the fields of news media, communication technologies and practices, tertiary education and the law. We have reshaped and updated this edition of the book to accommodate those developments.

The book is still titled The Journalist’s Guide to Media Law, but its new subtitle—‘A handbook for communicators in a digital world’—encapsulates the seismic shifts that have prompted our considerable revisions. Our target audience has broadened with each edition as technologies like the internet and social media have combined to transform journalism and its allied professional communication careers. Thus our prime audience of Australian journalists working for traditional media outlets has widened to embrace public relations consultants, bloggers, social media editors and new media entrepreneurs,  as they fill new professional occupations dealing with media law, once the domain of mainstream reporters and editors.  Crucial questions which recur through the book include: ‘What is a journalist?’, ‘Who is a publisher?’, ‘How does media law affect this new communication form?’ and ‘Who qualifies for this protection?’ Some of the answers are still evolving, as legislators, the judiciary and the community grapple with the implications of every citizen now having international publishing technology literally at their fingertips on mobile devices.

Such shifts have prompted major new inclusions in the content of the book. So much publishing now transcends Australia’s borders via social media, blogs and other online platforms that we have expanded this edition to contain many more international comparisons and cases. This has been accommodated by reducing some of the forensic examination of precise legislation in various Australian states and territories, found in previous editions. Instead of attempting to document every statutory instrument in all nine Australian jurisdictions, we have directed readers to the resources that contain those details.

All of this has necessitated design and pedagogical changes to the book’s format and contents. While the chapter structure is generally in accord with previous editions, there are new sections within the chapters addressing these issues. Their order varies slightly according to topic, but most chapters now include some key concepts defined at the start, some international background and context to the media law topic, a more detailed account tailored to Australian legislation and case law, a review of the ‘digital dimensions’ of the topic with special focus on internet and social media cases and examples, an account of self-regulatory processes if they apply to that topic, some tips for journalists and other professional communicators for mindful practice in the area, a nutshell summary, some discussion questions, and relevant readings and case references.

The introduction of ‘tips for mindful practice’ encapsulates the authors’ aim that professional communicators need to build into their work practices and routines an informed reflection upon the legal and ethical implications of their reportage, commentary, editing, publishing and social media usage. This approach is explained in greater detail in Chapter 2, but it essentially links safe legal practice and the responsible and strategic use of free expression with the personal moral framework and professional ethical strictures of the digital communicator—whether a journalist, public relations consultant, media relations officer or serious blogger.

Those changing roles are reflected in a new final chapter, Chapter 13, which deals with the law of PR, freelancing and media entrepreneurship. It replaces a chapter on self-regulation in earlier editions. (The role and application of the various industry regulatory, co-regulatory and self-regulatory bodies, such as the Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) and the Australian Press Council (APC), are now introduced in Chapter 3, but they are then referred to in the chapters where their functions and decisions seem most relevant). We saw this area of media law as significant because those who occupy those roles  are now grappling with special dimensions of media law—and several other legal topics relevant to their work—and deserve a new chapter dedicated to their roles and the legal dilemmas that are emerging in relation to them. The chapter also reflects the fact that many former journalists are now working in these allied occupations, and that student journalists need to start their careers with a broad understanding of the legal considerations which govern allied professional communication industries.

The sheer pace of change in all areas of media law is astounding. Many changes were mooted as this edition was going to press—including important developments in the laws of privacy, copyright, hate speech and court reporting. Rather than render the book dated as soon as it is printed, we have opted to use co-author Professor Mark Pearson’s journlaw.com blog (this one!) as the venue for updates to material, and have built several mentions of that resource into the chapters and discussion questions.

Apart from an array of new cases and examples—many from the international arena and many more from social media—some highlights of important new content covered in this edition include the following:

  • There are significant cases on increased statutory powers, allowing courts to make suppression and non-publication orders, and on the relationship between free speech, open justice and the right of parties to settle disputes privately. Recent cases at the borderline between ridicule and defamation, and on the application of freedom of information laws to immigration detention centres are included, as are cases on the application of sub judice contempt to internet content hosts and ‘celebrity’ claims of privacy invasion.
  • Recommendations of the ALRC on copyright reform are included, together with a discussion of the new copyright fair dealing defence that applies to satire. The book presents a wide range of examples, across different legal categories, relating to the use of the internet and social media, which will be of growing importance for current and future professional practise in communication, reportage and media advice.
  • A separate chapter on secrets (Chapter 9) covers the new journalists’ shield laws and their relevance to micro-bloggers and non-traditional publishers.
  • Chapter 10, on anti-terrorism and hate laws, includes the recommendations for reform of anti-terror laws and discusses the high-profile Andrew Bolt case and related proposals for reform of the Commonwealth Racial Discrimination Act 1975.
  • The recommendations of the Leveson Inquiry in the United Kingdom, and the Finkelstein Inquiry and Convergence Review in Australia, are subjected to critical analysis in view of their potential impact upon notions of a free press.

There is also an increased emphasis on real-time reportage, as the traditional print media increase their online presence and depth of click-through coverage in a 24/7 news cycle, with concomitant risks in the areas of defamation and contempt in their own work and that of third-party commentators on their websites and social media pages.

Without going into exhaustive detail on all of these matters, the book remains true to its original aim: to provide professional communicators and students with a basic working understanding of the key areas of media law and ethical regulation likely to affect them in their research, writing and publishing across the media. It tries to do this by introducing basic legal concepts while exploring the ways in which a professional communicator’s work practices can be adapted to withstand legal challenges.

In designing this edition, we have tried to pay heed to the needs of both professional communicators and media students. The book is best read from front to back, given the progressive introduction of legal concepts. However, it will also serve as a ready reference for those wanting guidance on an emerging problem in a newsroom or PR consultancy. The cases cited illustrate both the legal and media points at issue; in addition, wherever possible, recent, practical examples have been used instead of archaic cases from the dusty old tomes in the law library. Rather than training reporters, bloggers and PR practitioners to think like lawyers, this book will achieve its purpose if it prompts a professional communicator to pause and reflect mindfully upon their learning here when confronted with a legal dilemma, and decide on the appropriate course of action. Often that will just mean sounding the alarm bells and consulting a supervisor or seeking legal advice.

Of course, the book is not meant to offer actual legal advice. Professional communicators must seek that advice from a lawyer when confronted with a legal problem. The most we claim to do is offer an introduction to each area of media law so that journalists, PR consultants and bloggers can identify an emerging issue and thus know when to call for help.

Booktopia is offering pre-orders on their website: http://www.booktopia.com.au/the-journalist-s-guide-to-media-law-mark-pearson/prod9781743316382.html

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

© Mark Pearson 2014

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Australian Government’s latest national security bill to stifle debate

By MARK PEARSON

The Australian Government has opted for censorship and secrecy over scrutiny and natural justice with its latest national security bill introduced in the Senate last week.

haneefcover

Haneef – A Question of Character, by Jacqui Ewart

The National Security Legislation Amendment Bill (No. 1) 2014 extends security agencies’ powers to search and use surveillance devices in the new communication environment, introduces a new ‘multiple warrants’ regime, offers immunity to intelligence personnel who break all but the most serious laws, while increasing penalties for whistleblowing and criminalising the reporting of leaked intelligence-related information.

Australian Attorney-General George Brandis introduced the legislation on Thursday (July 17).

The crucial section affecting journalists and bloggers is straightforward:

35P Unauthorised disclosure of information

(1)  A person commits an offence if:

(a)  the person discloses information; and

(b)  the information relates to a special intelligence operation.

Penalty: Imprisonment for 5 years.

It continues to set a 10 year jail term if the disclosure is deemed to “endanger the health or safety of any person or prejudice the effective conduct of a special intelligence operation.” A selective list of exemptions makes no mention of material being published in the public interest.

The provision is clearly aimed at preventing Wikileaks or Snowden-style leaks of recent years and their broad publication in the world’s media and across social media, to the embarrassment of governments including Australia’s.

As I detailed in my recent Walkley Magazine article, ‘Terror on the books’ (May 29, 2014), Australian governments from both Labor and the conservative parties have contributed to the enactment of more than 50 pieces of legislation at national level (and many more at state level) since the 9/11 terrorist attacks on the US, many of which have impacted free expression and reportage. Colleagues Dr Jacqui Ewart, Joshua Lessing and I detailed this trend in a recent article in the Journal of Media Law.

The Haneef case in 2007 showed how national security laws could be used to restrict media access to information in an anti-terrorism matter. In that case, the accused was ultimately acquitted after a leak to the media showed how little evidence there really was against him. If this new law was in place, journalists might face jail for reporting such an injustice.

The proposed law is so draconian that it has prompted a release from Paris-Based Reporters Without Borders.

Without a bill of rights or constitutional amendment to protect free expression or media freedom in this country, it is left to those who care about free speech to make their objections clear. Please write to the Federal Attorney-General at senator.brandis@aph.gov.au opposing this legislation. Please also make submissions stating any concerns to parliamentary committees reviewing the legislation when it reaches the committee stage. Sadly, in Australia there will be no formal review of the free expression implications of the bill.

© Mark Pearson 2014

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Maintain the rage: support for Greste heartening, but needs to be escalated. Sign up. #FreeAJStaff

By MARK PEARSON

Additional research by journalism student MELANIE WHITING

AS Australian journalist Peter Greste languishes in an Egyptian jail just three weeks into his seven year sentence for simply doing his job reporting for Al Jazeera, it was heartening to see friends and colleagues rally in his support in Melbourne yesterday (July 14).

Clearly, the problem faced by all such political prisoners is that pressure for their release can diminish after their initial sentence disappears from the news agenda.

Almost 11,000 people have now signed the Canadian Journalists for Free Expression (CJFE) petition for the release of Greste and his colleagues, which will be sent tomorrow (July 16). Please go to http://www.thepetitionsite.com/583/945/591/fr/ and sign it.

In the days following the verdict political leaders including US Secretary of State John Kerry and Australian Prime Minister Tony Abbott expressed shock and condemnation over the Egyptian court’s decision on June 23.

Labor foreign affairs spokesperson Tanya Plibersek has been supportive and Greens leader Christine Milne has called upon the Abbott Government to escalate its diplomatic efforts on Greste’s behalf.

Media companies, unions and free expression groups have been united in their push for the release of Greste and his Al Jazeera colleagues.

Representatives of News Corp Australia and Fairfax Media told AdNews they saw the  sentence as a threat to press freedom.

The Media Entertainment and Arts Alliance (MEAA) issued a statement on their website condemning the verdict and maintained that Greste had acted as an ethical and responsible journalist.

A group of top international journalists united to send a letter to the Egyptian President asking for Greste and his colleagues to be released.

Petitions are important, so please sign any or all of these:

Go ahead – please sign them all NOW!

[The MEAA petition at http://www.alliance.org.au/peter-greste-petition has now closed.]

© Mark Pearson 2014

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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National security and anti-terror laws continue to threaten journalism

By MARK PEARSON

* This article was first published as ‘Terror on the books’ in the Walkley Magazine on May 29, 2014.

Walkley

More than 50 anti-terror laws have been introduced by the Australian government since the September 11 attacks in the US in 2001, and they continue to impact on our coverage of national security issues and place journalists and their sources at risk.

No Australian journalist would want to see lives lost in a terrorist attack, but there is evidence that existing laws give police, security agencies and the courts too much power in monitoring media activities and suppressing reports that are in the public interest. Two major reports now confirm some of these existing laws are over-reaching.

The long overdue Council of Australian Governments (COAG) Review of Counter-Terrorism Legislation was released in 2013.

As well as recommending changes to basic definitions of terrorist threats and harm, it proposes there be more opportunity for judicial reviews of the agencies’ search and seizure powers, and introducing some safeguards to the control order system (a control order restricts where a person goes and who they can meet).

The committee suggested that the communications restrictions be eased to allow a person subject to a control order access to a mobile phone, a landline phone and a computer with internet access.

Most importantly for journalists, the review recommended the repeal of Section 102.8 of the Criminal Code dealing with “associating with terrorist organisations”. This reform would put beyond any doubt the likelihood of a journalist being convicted of this serious offence by just undertaking normal reporting duties.

Another major report came in November 2013 from Bret Walker SC, the Independent National Security Legislation Monitor (INSLM). It was his third report since being appointed to the review role in 2011.Walker repeated his earlier recommendation that ASIO’s questioning and detention warrants should be abolished and suggested improvements to the definition of a “terrorist act”.

He called for a simpler system of listing terrorist organisations and inserting an exception to the “associating with terrorist organisations” provisions for humanitarian groups such as the Red Cross.

While both reports focused on issues of natural justice and human rights, neither the COAG review nor the INSLM addressed the stifling of journalism in the anti-terror laws.

Sadly, there was little in the way of media lobbying to do so either. The COAG counterterror review received 30 submissions which it posted to its website, none of which were from media-related companies or journalism or free expression organisations.

The ripples of international security operations were also felt in Australia. In 2013 the Media, Entertainment & Arts Alliance wrote to Prime Minister Tony Abbott asking for a review of the extent of metadata surveillance conducted by governments in the wake of former US National Security Agency (NSA) contractor Edward Snowden’s revelations.

There was good reason to be concerned. At least three cases in recent years have shown how the confidentiality of journalists’ sources can be compromised by surveillance by security agencies or anti-terror operations.

The retrial of “Jihad” Jack Thomas on terrorism charges in 2008 was based partly on interview materials gathered by Sally Neighbour from Four Corners and The Age’s Ian Munro and subpoenaed by the prosecution.

It emerged in the trial that up to 20 telephone calls between Neighbour and Thomas had been monitored by an ASIO agent.

The issue of confidentiality of whistleblowers’ identities also arose in the aftermath of the convictions of the Holsworthy Barracks bomb plot conspirators in 2011. The Australian had published an exclusive account on the raids in the hours before they occurred. (The three convicted plotters lost their appeals against their 18-year jail sentences last year.)

The Australian’s Victoria Police source, Simon Artz, paid for his leaks to the newspaper in the Victorian County Court with a four-month suspended sentence for unauthorised disclosure of information.

It was not a good year for whistleblowers internationally. WikiLeaks founder Julian Assange is holed up indefinitely in Ecuador’s embassy in London as he avoids extradition to Sweden on sex charges (and feared extradition to the US over security leaks). His US Army source – Private Chelsea (formerly Bradley) Manning – was sentenced by a military court to 35 years in jail for leaking classified documents. Meanwhile, Edward Snowden had fled to Russia to avoid prosecution over his leaks.

The whistleblower’s revelations about the extent of government surveillance continue to cause embarrassment, including in Australia where Prime Minister Tony Abbott reacted by attacking the ABC over its reportage. In an interview in early 2014, Abbott voiced his disapproval that the ABC had run stories about security services eavesdropping on Indonesian leaders’ phone conversations, a fact revealed by Snowden’s leaks.

The ABC then faced an “efficiency study”. It seems the Abbott government’s approach is to put the budgetary microscope on the ABC’s operations rather than wind back national security laws in the interests of media freedom.

The suppression of reporting on terrorism-related trials or evidence tendered in national security cases is an ongoing issue. The use of a closed court – combined with government media management – was central to the misplaced prosecution of Gold Coast Hospital registrar Dr Mohamed Haneef in 2007.

More than 30 suppression orders under anti-terror powers were imposed during the Benbrika trials in 2008 and 2009. In that case, Abdul Benbrika and 11 other Muslim men from Melbourne were charged with intentionally being members of a terrorist organisation. Their arrests in 2005 followed Operation Pendennis, a 16-month surveillance operation by Victoria Police, the Australian Federal Police and ASIO.

While by 2014 legislation covering suppression and non-publication orders had been introduced into only the Commonwealth, New South Wales, Victorian and South Australian jurisdictions, it appears that other states and territories are following suit to harmonise the laws.

© Mark Pearson 2014

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Justice Open and Shut – Suppression Orders and Open Justice – live blog #openshut

By MARK PEARSON

I’m at the Australian Centre for Independent Journalism’s ‘Justice Open and Shut’ Symposium at UTS Sydney today and will be writing this live blog of highlights from today’s speakers as the day unfolds. Drop in if you’re in the neighbourhood to Mary Anne House, Level 3, 645 Harris St, Ultimo, Sydney.

Testing the law in NSW with the ‘Keeper of Secrets’ Miiko Kumar

The open justice system incorporates open reasons for decisions as well, says media law barrister and academic Miiko Kumar.

Media law barrister Miiko Kumar

Media law barrister Miiko Kumar

Open justice ensures justice is imparted fairly and openly, the senior lecturer in law at the University of Sydney told the Justice Open and Shut conference at UTS.

Kumar said justice can be closed by excluding the public, restricting access to confidential information, non-publication orders, pseudonym orders, witnesses giving evidence via CCTV or from behind screens, and through the use of secret evidence.

Secret evidence is where a party tenders evidence that the other parties do not see, but that is rare.

Both the common law and key statutes give courts their power to suppress in NSW, including Court Suppression and Non-Publication Act 2010 and the Civil Procedure Act. Of course, other legislation exists for specific types of witnesses, such as the Children (Criminal Proceedings) Act 1987.

She said the common law test for the issue of a suppression order was a ‘test of necessity’, not a balancing test.

“It does not mean it is just convenient or to save someone embarrassment – that is not enough,” she said.

A wide section of people have standing to apply for a suppression order in NSW, and it can be made at any time during a trial.

The NSW legislation was tested in the recent Gina Rinehart case when she applied for a stay of proceedings along with a suppression order on the grounds that the confidentiality of the proceedings would be breached.

The court was open but there was a non-publication order over the proceedings.

[ Welker & Ors v. Rinehart [2011] NSWSC 1094 (Brereton J) 13/9/11 … Appeal: Rinehart v. Welker & Ors [2011] NSW CA (Tobias AJA) 31/10/11 … Appeal: Rinehart v. Welker [2011] NSWA 403 (Bathurst CJ and MColl JA; Young JA) 19/12/11].

Suppression order was lifted in that final appeal.

“The decision shows us that the court takes the administration of justice seriously,” she said.

“The media was the one who objected to the order. It is important for the media to know when the orders are made because they are usually the ones who will object.

“The parties are more concerned about their case so they are focussed on that.”

Kumar also explained public interest immunity where a court determines a claim by having the document that is the subject of a claim and considering it in closed session.

https://twitter.com/NatashaKrnjaic/status/474044254977683458

Victoria – the state of suppression

A study of non publication orders over a five year period in Victoria found that more than 1500 had been imposed across the state’s court system , according to the deputy director of the Centre for Media and Communications Law at the Melbourne Law School, Jason Bosland.

UTS professor Wendy Bacon and Melbourne Law School's Jason Bosland

UTS professorial fellow Wendy Bacon and Melbourne Law School’s Jason Bosland

Mr Bosland reported to the  ‘Justice Open and Shut’ Symposium at UTS Sydney on his team’s research on the breakdown of legislative or common law powers under which the various courts imposed suppression orders.

Some orders were made under the provisions of an act of parliament that did not even give the courts power to issue orders.

About 70 per cent of all orders made by Victorian courts did not contain an end date or any other temporal limitation to bring them to an end. The Magistrates Court made 398 orders without a specified end date over the period. Only 128 orders revoked 202 suppression orders over the period.

More than half of the suppression orders were ‘blanket orders’ – banning the whole of proceedings from publication – including about 80 per cent of non-publication orders in the state’s County Court.

“There were real problems with ambiguity and breadth,” Mr Bosland told the conference.

Many of the orders related to the revelation of the identity of a victim in circumstances where other legislation might already prohibit this publication.

Mr Bosland has also been researching the suppression of judicial reasons. He found that in Western Australia 47 judgments of the Supreme Court and 17 of the Court of Appeal had been withheld from publication, with nine across the Supreme, appeal and district courts in NSW, and about 20 in Victoria.

He further found a simple search of the terms “Judgment Suppressed” and “Judgment Restricted” into the database Austlii generated several pages of search results.

—-

The UK situation: Translucent justice? Digital and physical access to UK courts

The physical doors to UK courts are ‘open’, but virtual legal information is not, says UK researcher Judith Townend from City University London.

jude

Judith Townend, City University London

The notion of open justice seems to stall at the online level. Very little can be systematically documented about what is happening in the courts, she said.

For example, there is no systematic recording of data on the outcome of defamation claims.

“It’s a given that we do want to have open access to the courts but there are particular challenges that need to be considered,” she said.

She cited the recent development of a ‘right to be forgotten’ as an emerging issue standing in the way of open justice online, along with copyright, defamation, spent convictions and the tort of misuse of private information.

She explained the proliferation of so-called ‘super injunctions’ in the UK from 2009-2011.

“Particularly worrying were the sorts of injunction where the fact that they existed could not even be reported – and these were the so-called ‘super injunctions’, Townend told the  ‘Justice Open and Shut’ Symposium at UTS Sydney.

“It is not known how many existed, but it is thought there was a small number of the truly ‘super’ kind.”

Her research has been investigating the fate of a reporting restrictions database proposed in England and Wales in 2007. Despite a freedom of information request, she was unable to find out why it had not been implemented despite an effective simple operating in the Scottish jurisdiction.

The Law Commission had found a simple system similar to the Scottish online list of orders in force would cost a government department no more than three to four hours of labour per month. It recommended such a system should be introduced, also specifying the details of the order.

However, there was a “lack of momentum to carry the proposal forward”.

She said the proposal raised questions of who should be able to access such a database, what it would cost for users, and longer term issues over the liability for breach of the orders on such a list (particularly if an order was left off the list).

Townend drew parallels with proposals in Australia for a restricted access with full details of suppression orders.

“The focus is very much on the media … but there is a broader question we need to make about public access,” she said.

“What if you are an ordinary member of the public? Should courts be obliged to share details of restrictions with the wider public?”

There are strong arguments for better data collation, she said.

“Systematic recording of injunctions would allow media and academic scrutiny of orders in different courts – types, reasons and frequency,” Townend explained.

“There would be practical benefits for reporters to help avoid inadvertent contempt and it would help inform legal policy development around contempt.”

Keynote address ‘Open Courts: Who Guards the Guardians?’ – former justice Philip Cummins

Suppression orders should only be made as a last resort, not as a first resort, former Supreme Court justice and Victorian Law Reform Commission chair Philip Cummins told the  ‘Justice Open and Shut’ Symposium at UTS Sydney today.

cummins

Justice Philip Cummins

Quoting Kafka, Bentham and several higher court judgements, Justice Cummins said in his keynote address ‘Open Courts: Who Guards the Guardians?’ that it was the essence of the judicial process that it was public.

“The two functions of transparency of the justice system are that abuses may flourish undetected without it and it maintains the integrity of the courts. They are splendid principles often enunciated by the courts,” Justice Cummins said.

“The courts, rightly, have traditionally resisted pressure to function in private. Sometimes that pressure is from high motives, sometimes base… but it is ever present and must be resisted.

“It’s plain that courts cannot be open in every case. There are plainly justifications for courts to be closed.”

He cited sexual matters, terrorism trials and others involving safety of witnesses.

“Those categories are justifiable … in individual cases the orders are not justified even though the category has been made out,” he said.

“They need to be looked at on a case by case basis. The critical thing is that suppression orders should only be made as a last resort, not as a first resort.”

He labelled the path of reasoning required of judges under legislation when called upon to grant a suppression order was ‘erroneous reasoning’.

“It introduces a balancing of interests that should not be balanced – they are not equal,” he said.

He said instead there were key questions judges should consider:

  • orders shouldn’t be made if they were already covered by other legislation;
  • if the principle of sub judice applies. it would be erroneous if the principle of sub judice was replaced by suppression orders: “Sub judice needs to be protected by all of us. It would be a very profound error for suppression orders to take over the function of sub judice.”;
  • orders should not be made on therapeutic or prophylactic or prudential grounds instead of essential; and
  • there was a lack of understanding of the integrity of the jury system.

“We know that juries are robust. We know that they are living entities and that they see various things in the course of a trial,” he said.

“I have great confidence juries are robust and I think it is a profound mistake for judges to underestimate the robustness and integrity of juries.”

He said the gangland trials were over, but the question arises: “Has the culture changed?”

In some ways there was a judicial culture that worked against open justice. He said judges were usually supportive of open justice in principle – but sometimes until it came to the case at hand.

“If the culture of the courts is erroneous then the appeal system is not the solution. My tipstaff once said to me ‘whoever discovered water, it wasn’t a fish’,” he said.

But he rejected a suggestion by media lawyer Peter Bartlett that judges saw the media as a ‘nuisance’. Rather, Justice Cummins said, it was a question of priorities because their main goal was to ensure a fair trial.

“I do think that the judiciary is concerted in applying itself to these sorts of issues. In my 22 years on the bench not once was I let down by the media,” he said.

“Parliament has a significant role to play in advancing open justice,” he said.

On the question of court public information officers, he said they had been very valuable and had not proven to be ‘second guessing’ the court as some naysayers had predicted before the role was introduced two decades ago.

“I think a media officer can perform a very valuable function,” he said.

Justice Cummins agreed a ‘two speed’ system of coverage of major criminal trials had developed with the mainstream media more shackled because of its broader coverage.

“With a lot of the technology that a lot of us have spoken about it is morphing into a new set of issues we have to be astute to,” he said.

Media lawyer Peter Bartlett said that issue was not necessarily a new one.

“Traditionally we have found that print media has been sued more often than radio or television,” he said.

“I think there is a two speed [system developing] in that mainstream media is sued far more often. There is an increasing number of actions against online sites or blogs but their level of circulation is restricted so their level of damage is restricted.”

—————-

The media and suppression orders in Victoria: reporters’ experiences

The increase in suppression orders during the gangland trials in Victoria had not diminished since the trials finished, Digital News Editor at the Herald-Sun Elissa Hunt told the  ‘Justice Open and Shut’ Symposium at UTS Sydney today.

fergusonShe was joined on a panel by Gina Rinehart biographer and Fairfax senior business writer Adele Ferguson (centre) who shared  her courtroom experiences on reporting under suppression – and senior journalist and documentary producer Sharon Davis (left).

“We do write in different ways as journalists now and have to think on our feet all the time and update for the web,” Hunt said.

“There’s not time to sit down with a lawyer and negotiate whether we can get away with this or that.

“You just had to know what you could or couldn’t say.

“Yesterday I did a dump of the suppression orders logged on our system this year and I counted 144. We’re on track for maybe 300 suppression orders this year.

“I’m not seeing a decrease in the number of orders.”

Ferguson said suppression orders take many forms. She cited the spent convictions provisions under the Crimes Act as an example of material that could not be published about a corporate regulation executive who had been in a partnership with a criminal history.

She mentioned the Gina Rinehart subpoena order against her demanding her sources last year where Steve Pennells from the West Australian was also served. Rinehart eventually backed down. She had two other subpoenas year as well.

Hunt explained the phenomenon of the ‘silent listing’ where courts would not reveal where a trial was being held, leaving reporters unable to engage lawyers to challenge the suppression.

When she queried such a silent listing she was told it was a security issue. She showed the symposium a form where people could apply to have their listings made silent under a practice direction from the Victorian Chief Magistrate.

Their outdated computer system meant courts could not use a pseudonym so the only way to keep their name off the list was the only mechanism to protect a witness.

Photos of victims that had been published many times were also suppressed by Victorian courts, Hunt said. In one case such a suppression was applied to a photo of a baby who was a high profile crime victim so juries were not prejudiced.

“I think it’s a worry we have so many judges who think the jury system is this fragile thing … our own judges don’t trust the system enough to let the jury do what they are meant to do,” she said.

Ferguson agreed with Davis  individuals are using the law more creatively to take advantage of the diminished resources of the major groups to challenge orders.

“It’s really time consuming and it’s costly and I think without doubt you are seeing more subpoenas issued and more defamation,” she said.

Hunt said: “The reality is that the only ones fighting a suppression order are the media. Unless they are doing it nobody else will be. We just can’t be there for all of them.”

She explained the complicated process involved in extracting material from the digital world once a suppression order or take down order has been issued.

—-

Media can’t afford to oppose as many suppression orders, says top media lawyer

Dwindling media resources have impacted on free expression because news organisations do not have the resources to oppose as many suppression orders as they did previously, Minter Ellison Lawyers partner Peter Bartlett told the  ‘Justice Open and Shut’ Symposium at UTS Sydney today.

Screen Shot 2014-06-04 at 10.14.48 AM

“It does not happen as much as it used to because the rivers of gold have evaporated,” he said.

Because the media is not there to oppose applications for suppression orders there was a risk more and more will be issued that go further than they should go.

Mr Bartlett is speaking on ‘Suppression Orders: A Fine Balance”, where he is examining topical case studies including The Rolf Harris trial, ‘Lawyer X’, Julian Assange and Oscar Pistorius.

Judges will say open justice is an important principle ‘but’ … and that ‘but’ is the problem, he said.

“The trouble is you get judges who quite rightly are focused on prepartion for the trial … that they do not spend enough time on whether an application for a suppression order should be granted and just go ahead and approve that order.

It is a difficult task for the judge in balancing the right to a fair trial and the right to free expression.

“There is no doubt that where there is a clash the right to a fair trial should take precedence.

“A proper instruction to a jury reduces the need for a suppression order in many cases.”

He commended recent Victorian legislation giving the media a right to appear to oppose suppression orders and making it clear there should be an end date to suppression orders. Previously it was difficult getting older suppression orders lifted because all the parties had to be found and brought to court. However, some recent suppression orders had been issued without the recommended end dates, he said.

He said there were at least four or five suppression orders issued each day in Victoria.

He was receiving many applications to take down historical articles because of their potential effect on a trial.

He noted the seeking of urgent injunctions by high profile wealthy individuals and linked this to the ‘reasonableness’ test for defamation defences which requires defendants to have sought a reply from the plaintiff prior to publication.

Three times in the past 18 months he had experienced injunctions being sought after an approach by a journalist to get a comment from a high profile individual about allegations against them.

This had sometimes led to long delays, including one example of a judge ordering a story be held from December until the next May so the matter could be tried.

He criticised the assumption of some judges that any media coverage would lead to an unfair trial.

He suggested the orders made against the Underbelly program in Victoria were futile because people found other means of access.

The Rolf Harris trial raised interesting issues where Australian newspapers could cover the trial which was suppressed in the UK but not put it on their websites. Fairfax newspapers included a warning to others not to publish the material online. The stories ran without a byline to avoid difficulties for the reporter sitting in the London court covering the trial.

https://twitter.com/JTownend/status/473991814706245634

Media law experts line up in Sydney for open justice seminar

It’s a stellar line-up of Australian media law experts with the welcome guest presentation from Judith Townend from the Centre for Law, Justice and Journalism at City University, London, on ‘Transluscent justice? Digital and physical access to UK courts’.

Keynote speaker is the Hon. Philip Cummins, former Supreme Court judge and Chair of the Victorian Law Reform Commission, Chair of the Victoria Law Foundation and Chair of the Protecting Victoria’s Vulnerable Children Inquiry.

Dr Tom Morton and I are speaking about progress with our research project on a forensic mental health patient we called ‘The Man Without A Name” because of restrictions on identifying people involved in NSW Mental Health Tribunal proceedings. Section 162 Mental Health Act (NSW) bans ID of anyone involved in either tribunal or forensic proceedings, with further requirements under the Mental Health (Forensic Provisions) Act. A breach can incur a fine of $5500 or a 12 month jail term. See my earlier blog on this and Tom’s Background Briefing piece by the same name for Radio National.

———–

Conference program:

Justice Open and Shut: Suppression orders and open justice in Australia and the UK

“There is one hell of a fight going on in Australia to preserve our free press. We are increasingly seeing the rich and powerful resort to litigation to pursue journalists’ sources or lodge defamation writs purely to stop the publication of stories and scare off the rest of the media.”

Nick McKenzie, Fairfax Media, 2014 Press Freedom Australia Address

The increasing use of suppression orders undermines fair and accurate reporting of the courts and the fundamental principle of open justice.  This workshop will explore the operations and impact of suppression orders on reporting in Australia and the UK.

A workshop for journalists, lawyers, academics and anyone with an interest in open justice, the media and freedom of the press.

The  conference schedule is now available.

Keynote address: ‘Open Courts: Who Guards the Guardians?’

Keynote speaker: Hon. Philip Cummins – former Supreme court judge and Chair of the Victorian Law Reform Commission, Chair of the Victoria Law Foundation and Chair of the Protecting Victoria’s Vulnerable Children Inquiry.

Other speakers:

  • Peter Bartlett: Partner Minter Ellison, Chair of the Advisory Board at the Centre for Advanced Journalism ast Melbourne University. Author of the law precis for MEAA State of Pres Freedom in Australia. Bartlett has represented Fairfax media and others in relation to suppression orders. He will speak on the use of suppression orders and its impact on the media and journalism, the operation of take down laws and trends observed since the introduction of the new Acts.
  • Miiko Kumar: Barrister, Jack Shand Chambers and Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Law, University of Sydney. Kumar appears regularly in applications for suppression orders on behalf of government agencies. She will provide an overview of the law relating to different forms of suppression orders, as well as recent cases involving Gina Rinehart and her attempted use of suppression orders in relation to court proceedings.
  • Judith Townend: Centre for Law, Justice and Journalism, City University, London. Townend will speak on ‘Transluscent justice? Digital and physical access to UK courts’.
  • Academics and journalists Mark Pearson (Griffith) and Tom Morton (University of Technology, Sydney): Open justice, investigative journalism and forensic patients.
  • Elissa Hunt: has been a court and legal affairs reporter with the Herald-Sun in Victoria for more than 13 years.  Her work has been recognized through numerous awards from the Victorian Law Foundation, including the 2014 Law Foundation’s Reporter of the year on Legal Issues. Elissa has recently been appointed as the Digital News Editor.
  • Adele Ferguson: a multi-award winning senior business writer and columnist for the Age and the Sydney Morning Herald and author of the best selling unauthorised biography Gina Rinehart: The Untold Story of the Richest Woman in the World. Prior to joining the Age and the SMH, Adele was a senior commentator with the Australian. She has also worked at BRW Magazine as deputy editor and chief business commentator, leading many major investigations into the corporate sector.
  • Jason Bosland: Deputy Director of the Centre for Media and Communications Law at Melbourne Law School where he teaches communications and intellectual property law. He holds degrees from Melbourne and the London School of Economics. His primary research interests lie in media law, including defamation and privacy, open justice and the media, contempt of court and freedom of speech.

This workshop is hosted by the Rule of Law Institute of Australia and the Australian Centre for Independent Journalism and is supported by the Centre for Cosmopolitan Civil Societies, University of Technology, Sydney.

Media Enquiries:

Tom Morton tom.morton@uts.edu.au

Kate Burns kate@ruleoflaw.org.au

When

4 June 2014
10:00 am – 4:30 pm

Where

Venue: Mary Anne House, Level 3, 645 Harris St, Ultimo, Sydney.

—————

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

© Mark Pearson 2014

Leave a comment

Filed under blogging, Buddhism, citizen journalism, Eightfold Path, free expression, media ethics, mental health, social media, Uncategorized

Justice Open and Shut – and the man without a name revisited

By MARK PEARSON

I’m looking forward to presenting with colleague Associate Professor Tom Morton from UTS (pictured) at the Australian Centre for Independent Journalism’s ‘Justice Open and Shut’ Symposium this week.

MORTON

Dr Tom Morton

Below is the full program for the conference from the ACIJ website.

It’s a stellar line-up of Australian media law experts with the welcome guest presentation from Judith Townend from the Centre for Law, Justice and Journalism at City University, London, on ‘Transluscent justice? Digital and physical access to UK courts’.

Keynote speaker is the Hon. Philip Cummins, former Supreme Court judge and Chair of the Victorian Law Reform Commission, Chair of the Victoria Law Foundation and Chair of the Protecting Victoria’s Vulnerable Children Inquiry.

Dr Morton and I are speaking about progress with our research project on a forensic mental health patient we called ‘The Man Without A Name” because of restrictions on identifying people involved in NSW Mental Health Tribunal proceedings. Section 162 Mental Health Act (NSW) bans ID of anyone involved in either tribunal or forensic proceedings, with further requirements under the Mental Health (Forensic Provisions) Act. A breach can incur a fine of $5500 or a 12 month jail term.

See my earlier blog on this and Tom’s Background Briefing piece by the same name for Radio National.

We have won permission to name him in our academic writing – including on this blog – but I will hold back on that for today so I do not spoil the presentation for those attending on Wednesday.

I have previously compared the complex array of mental health reporting restrictions in Australia and New Zealand. (See here.)

In 2012 I compared three cases in WA, Victoria and the UK involving the identification of mental health patients. The case of Patient A has strong parallels with the Albert Lazlo Haines [pdf] case in the UK where a patient won an appeal to be named in reportage of his review proceedings.

This Australian case adds to that body of literature and is interesting from that media law perspective. It also interests us as an ethical case study, and we will be using it as the focus for an exploration of the application of the principles of ‘mindful journalism’ I have described previously.

———–

 

Conference program:

Justice Open and Shut: Suppression orders and open justice in Australia and the UK

“There is one hell of a fight going on in Australia to preserve our free press. We are increasingly seeing the rich and powerful resort to litigation to pursue journalists’ sources or lodge defamation writs purely to stop the publication of stories and scare off the rest of the media.”

Nick McKenzie, Fairfax Media, 2014 Press Freedom Australia Address

The increasing use of suppression orders undermines fair and accurate reporting of the courts and the fundamental principle of open justice.  This workshop will explore the operations and impact of suppression orders on reporting in Australia and the UK.

A workshop for journalists, lawyers, academics and anyone with an interest in open justice, the media and freedom of the press.

The  conference schedule is now available.

Keynote address: ‘Open Courts: Who Guards the Guardians?’

Keynote speaker: Hon. Philip Cummins – former Supreme court judge and Chair of the Victorian Law Reform Commission, Chair of the Victoria Law Foundation and Chair of the Protecting Victoria’s Vulnerable Children Inquiry.

Other speakers:

  • Peter Bartlett: Partner Minter Ellison, Chair of the Advisory Board at the Centre for Advanced Journalism ast Melbourne University. Author of the law precis for MEAA State of Pres Freedom in Australia. Bartlett has represented Fairfax media and others in relation to suppression orders. He will speak on the use of suppression orders and its impact on the media and journalism, the operation of take down laws and trends observed since the introduction of the new Acts.
  • Miiko Kumar: Barrister, Jack Shand Chambers and Senior Lecturer, Faculty of Law, University of Sydney. Kumar appears regularly in applications for suppression orders on behalf of government agencies. She will provide an overview of the law relating to different forms of suppression orders, as well as recent cases involving Gina Rinehart and her attempted use of suppression orders in relation to court proceedings.
  • Judith Townend: Centre for Law, Justice and Journalism, City University, London. Townend will speak on ‘Transluscent justice? Digital and physical access to UK courts’.
  • Academics and journalists Mark Pearson (Griffith) and Tom Morton (University of Technology, Sydney): Open justice, investigative journalism and forensic patients.
  • Elissa Hunt: has been a court and legal affairs reporter with the Herald-Sun in Victoria for more than 13 years.  Her work has been recognized through numerous awards from the Victorian Law Foundation, including the 2014 Law Foundation’s Reporter of the year on Legal Issues. Elissa has recently been appointed as the Digital News Editor.
  • Adele Ferguson: a multi-award winning senior business writer and columnist for the Age and the Sydney Morning Herald and author of the best selling unauthorised biography Gina Rinehart: The Untold Story of the Richest Woman in the World. Prior to joining the Age and the SMH, Adele was a senior commentator with the Australian. She has also worked at BRW Magazine as deputy editor and chief business commentator, leading many major investigations into the corporate sector.
  • Jason Bosland: Deputy Director of the Centre for Media and Communications Law at Melbourne Law School where he teaches communications and intellectual property law. He holds degrees from Melbourne and the London School of Economics. His primary research interests lie in media law, including defamation and privacy, open justice and the media, contempt of court and freedom of speech.

This workshop is hosted by the Rule of Law Institute of Australia and the Australian Centre for Independent Journalism and is supported by the Centre for Cosmopolitan Civil Societies, University of Technology, Sydney.

Media Enquiries:

Tom Morton tom.morton@uts.edu.au

Kate Burns kate@ruleoflaw.org.au

When

4 June 2014
10:00 am – 4:30 pm

Where

Venue: Mary Anne House, Level 3, 645 Harris St, Ultimo, Sydney.

—————

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

© Mark Pearson 2014

Leave a comment

Filed under blogging, Buddhism, citizen journalism, Eightfold Path, free expression, media ethics, mental health, social media, Uncategorized