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My piece in The Drum: Media regulation made simple by ‘responsible truth-telling’

By MARK PEARSON

Some of you might have missed my opinion piece at ABC’s The Drum Opinion published on December 22.

I reproduce it here for your interest and you might like to add your comments to the other 100+ featured on The Drum .

—————————

Media regulation made simple

MARK PEARSON

The solution to the news media regulation problem lies in two or three simple words, depending on whether you choose to hyphenate: ‘responsible truth-telling’.

Those words should replace the myriad of codes of ethics, codes of practice, and statements of principles that Australian journalists are expected to follow in their daily reportage.

It might sound idealistic and over-simplified but that’s what it comes down to. It is a phrase that can be read to incorporate truth-seeking, across all platforms of new, social and legacy media, by those practising the pursuit many of us still call ‘journalism’ and by those blogging, tweeting or standing on soap boxes in public parks claiming to be speaking in the public interest.

As the Supreme Court of Canada recently decided, ‘responsible communication on a matter of public interest’ is worth protecting and irresponsible communication should be discouraged.

Regulation in the form of laws has worked reasonably well to deal with irresponsible investigations and publications and harmful falsities and continues to do so.

Just because ‘co-regulation’ via the Australian Communication and Media Authority and ‘self-regulation’ via industry groups, the Australian Press Council and the journalists’ union have floundered, does not make straight-out government control of the media any more acceptable in a Western democracy.

There is already an oversupply of regulation of the media and free expression generally in this country – across all levels of government and via quasi-governmental and self-regulatory and co-regulatory bodies. Added to this there is considerable censorship of free expression in government and the corporate sector in the form of ‘spin’.

Australia’s free expression is particularly fragile because it lacks any formal expression in our Constitution, especially when this is combined with at least five inquiries into the news media this year (2011) and proposals for a press regulator with government teeth, against a backdrop of Senator Conroy’s attempts at imposing an internet filtering scheme.

The Convergence Review quite rightly takes a 21st century broad-brush view of media regulation, but the Media Inquiry chair Ray Finkelstein QC appears focussed on a mechanism to prop up the very 20th century complaints system of the Press Council, proposing some government sanctions on the publication of findings and some taxpayer funding to supplement the reluctant sponsorship of the major newspaper groups.

My own submission to the Media Inquiry proposed there should be no more laws controlling the media in this country – just better access for media consumers to the laws that already exist and a one-stop shop for the handling of complaints. It also suggested a reworking of consumer laws so that ‘prescribed news providers’ do not get an automatic exemption from the ‘misleading and deceptive conduct’ actions over their news material.

No journalists can be expected to operate effectively within deadline paying heed to all the five or six codes that might apply to them.

A single code of ethics applying to journalists and their employers across all news media, under the banner of ‘responsible truth-telling’ would address fundamental principles of truth, accuracy, verification, attribution, transparency, honesty, respect, equity, fairness, independence, originality and integrity, with exceptions only for matters of substantial legitimate public concern.

It would be supplemented by industry or workplace ‘information and guidance’ documents to help explain to journalists and editors the fact scenarios and precedents applying to a particular medium or specialty.

Any government funding could establish and maintain a one-stop media complaints shop for referring consumers’ concerns to the appropriate self-regulatory or co-regulatory body and an accompanying media literacy campaign for the broader community. The several million dollars spent on these inquiries would have been better spent on this.

Broader citizen access to broadband and the sands of time will solve most of the media regulation problems we have today, but applying existing consumer law to the news media would help. That’s the way it was for a few years after the Trade Practices Act was introduced in 1975 until intensive lobbying by media groups won them a news provider exemption from its operations.

Why revisit consumer law? Because these days most news provision is ‘just another business’ and the only news media candidates for any regulation with teeth are usually operating across state borders in ‘trade or commerce’ and are therefore subject to the provisions of what has been rebadged the Competition and Consumer Act.

The Web 2.0 environment has motivated the traditional media to focus more strongly on commercial interests than it has ever had to do previously, breaking down the traditional ‘firewall’ between advertising and editorial material. Traditional revenue streams have reduced to a trickle. That’s why they have staff freezes and can’t increase their funding of the Press Council.

Such an adjustment to consumer law would mean a scandal on a scale of ‘Cash for Comment’ or the News of the World episode could be handled for what it is: irresponsible deception of media consumers by powerful, cynical, corporate players.

It’s not a radical suggestion. The ACCC entered the Cash for Comment fray early on, but backed off when the then Australian Broadcasting Authority started investigating. Perhaps it should have persisted. Just two years ago the High Court found against Seven under the former Trade Practices Act in a case false claims about goods and services. The reform would extend this to other ethical breaches.

‘Responsible truth-telling’ would remain protected, as it should be in a Western democracy. The onus would be on the ACCC to prove the irresponsibility or falsity of the misleading material or actions and that it was contrary to the public interest.

Media Inquiry chair Ray Finkelstein dismissed my suggestions as ‘impractical’ when I appeared in the Melbourne hearings last Thursday. He seemed intent on his Bandaid-like solution for the Australian Press Council.

He might be willing to take another look at it now that the Convergence Review has flagged its own big-picture approach and its intention to return to the drawing board of media regulation.

Mark Pearson is professor of journalism at Bond University and Australian correspondent for Reporters Without Borders. His views here do not purport to represent those of either of those organisations.

© Mark Pearson 2012

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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My Media Inquiry appearance: the transcript

By MARK PEARSON

I appeared at the Independent Media Inquiry on Thursday, December 8, 2011 to address my two submissions – one a personal submission addressing issues of media regulation and the other on behalf of our ARC Vulnerability Linkage Grant group. I have summarised the content of each in earlier blogs, hyperlinked in the last sentence.

For the gratification of those of you wanting an insight into a single witness’s testimony to such an inquiry, I reproduce the transcript of the session below:

                    Independent Inquiry into

                   Media and Media Regulation

                    Public Hearings

 

                         Held at the Monash University Law Chambers

                                   Ground Floor Auditorium

                       Marsh Building, 555 Lonsdale Street, Melbourne

 

                              Thursday, 8 December 2011 at 9.35am

                                           (Day 3)

 

                               Before:  Mr Ray Finkelstein QC and

                                        Dr Matthew Ricketson

 

            .08/12/11  (3)              254

                             Transcript produced by Merrill Corporation

 

 

         1       PROFESSOR MARK PEARSON

         2

         3       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Thanks, Professor, for coming down.

         4

         5       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Thank you.

         6

         7       MR FINKELSTEIN:   We did hear you had some problems with

         8       your flight.

         9

        10       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Yes, the Gold Coast airport was closed

        11       temporarily, bad weather.  It is much better down here

        12       today.

        13

        14       DR RICKETSON:   But you got here okay.

        15

        16       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Yes, in the end.

        17

        18       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Our normal practice is to allow people

        19       who have come to give evidence to also speak to their

        20       submission and most do, some don’t.  It is purely

        21       voluntary, Professor.  So, we will proceed in whichever way

        22       you feel most comfortable with.  Would you like to say a

        23       few words first?

        24

        25       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I think I do need to say something

        26       because I have in fact made two submissions.  One was in my

        27       capacity as part of a research group, which I understand

        28       was the main reason you asked me here today, and that is

        29       our ARC linkage grant looking at vulnerability and the news

        30       media.  So all I would say by way of introduction is that

        31       when I do make comments I would need to distinguish between

        32       my role in that capacity where I put together the

        33       submission on behalf of the group, but I’m only one of five

        34       or six researchers from different institutions.  The

        35       project is led by Professor Kerry Green from the University

        36       of South Australia.  As with most linkage grants, we have

        37       industry partners.  In fact, one of the sponsors of the

        38       research is the Australian Press Council, which also needs

        39       to be stated by way of disclosure for that submission.

        40

        41            I did submit a private submission in which in turn

        42       I had to distinguish between my various roles because of

        43       course with a private submission I do not speak on behalf

        44       of my institution, Bond University, and I also happen to be

        45       Australian correspondent for the international press

        46       freedom organisation, Reporters Without Borders, and I had

        47       to make it clear in that submission that I was not speaking

 

            .08/12/11  (3)              362         M PEARSON

                             Transcript produced by Merrill Corporation

 

 

         1       in any way on behalf of Reporters Without Borders.  In

         2       fact, they insist upon their correspondents not speaking on

         3       their behalf, just as any news organisation insists on its

         4       own reporters not speaking on its behalf.

         5

         6            So I just wanted to make those comments by way of

         7       clarification.  Is my understanding correct that you mainly

         8       wanted me because of the submission to do with the

         9       vulnerability project?

        10

        11       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Yes, we did.  But I do have some

        12       questions in any event about your own submission.

        13

        14       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Sure.

        15

        16       MR FINKELSTEIN, it might be easiest to get that out of the

        17       road first, and I will ask you questions and bearing in

        18       mind what you have said I will be asking after your

        19       personal views, not the view of any organisation that you

        20       might represent in other respects.

        21

        22       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Indeed.

        23

        24       MR FINKELSTEIN:   It is to do with the topic of standards.

        25       I think both standards and access really are the two issues

        26       that I wanted to take up with you.

        27

        28       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   With my personal submission?

        29

        30       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Yes, from your personal submission.

        31       Could I start with standards first.  You make the point,

        32       which I think is a point made elsewhere by other people

        33       making submissions, that there should be a single code of

        34       ethics which applies across the field of journalists and we

        35       have had a few submissions, one from the Media Alliance

        36       itself, but others as well, saying the plethora of

        37       standards and ethics is apt to cause confusion rather than

        38       have necessarily beneficial results.  But what I’m

        39       interested to know, because you don’t say very much about

        40       it in your personal submission, is what your views are

        41       about the methods by which either the multiple codes that

        42       exist or a single uniform code which is to be preferred

        43       comes into existence, how either the multiple or the single

        44       can or should be enforced.

        45

        46       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   The word “enforced” is one that raises

        47       concern, I think, in a context of press as a fourth estate

 

            .08/12/11  (3)              363         M PEARSON

                             Transcript produced by Merrill Corporation

 

         1       in a democratic western society.  My colleagues at

         2       Reporters Without Borders are always alarmed when

         3       government inquiries ask about enforcement of such

         4       standards.  Nevertheless, your first point is to do with

         5       the complexity of all of the different codes.  As an

         6       educator, I make the point in both submissions that in

         7       basic education it is very hard to get students or

         8       practitioners to understand fundamental concepts and work

         9       within them, and with the codes of practice and the code of

        10       ethics and all of these various principles.  A single

        11       journalist may well be working under four, five or six of

        12       these codes of practice quite separate from other

        13       principles issued by the Press Council on particular topic

        14       areas and quite separate from the law of these areas, which

        15       are the main regulatory regime.

        16

        17            So how do I think they would be enforced?  I think the

        18       thrust of this personal submission is basically that there

        19       are already so many laws applying to the news media, actual

        20       laws, that almost all serious complaints to the

        21       self-regulatory or co-regulatory bodies would actually come

        22       within the ambit of one of the existing laws.

        23

        24       MR FINKELSTEIN:   You mean the laws of the land that apply

        25       to all and sundry?

        26

        27       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Yes, although, as you would well know,

        28       there are certain areas of media law – almost all areas

        29       apply to all and sundry, but certain areas apply much more

        30       to the media because they are coming in contact with them

        31       in their daily practice, and I’m talking about defamation,

        32       contempt of court, confidentiality, trespass, the

        33       developing law of privacy for which there is a separate

        34       inquiry at the moment, nuisance, stalking, police powers,

        35       move along powers.  All of these sorts of laws already

        36       exist.  The problem is more community or ordinary citizens’

        37       access to many of these laws.

        38

        39       MR FINKELSTEIN:   And for the most part access to law is

        40       access in theory only but not in practice, so that for most

        41       members of the community the fact that there’s the law of

        42       the land in a practical sense means nothing to them at all

        43

        44       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   No, but what it does, and it is coming

        45       back to your question to do with enforcement.  To my mind,

        46       to set up a whole new regulatory enforcement mechanism in

        47       addition to the existing laws is unnecessary —

 

            .08/12/11  (3)              364         M PEARSON

                             Transcript produced by Merrill Corporation

 

         1

         2       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Because?

         3

         4       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Because one mechanism would be to give

         5       the existing community better access to the existing laws,

         6       and this might be idealistic, but via Legal Aid or

         7       whatever —

         8

         9       MR FINKELSTEIN:   There is no practical way that will

        10       happen in my lifetime.

        11

        12       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Okay.

        13

        14       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Which means in a practical sense it is

        15       easier for me just to put that to one side.  I think the

        16       last witness said he liked practical outcomes and, unless

        17       it has some practical content, it doesn’t really help any

        18       member of the community to proceed on the basis that what

        19       exists in theory but is not real for them is a panacea for

        20       anything.

        21

        22       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   And I take that point.  What I think

        23       is a practical outcome or would be a practical outcome

        24       would be to beef up the alternative dispute resolution

        25       functions without enforcement, without a big stick, and

        26       also to beef up the community education and awareness about

        27       where they can make complaints and really to develop,

        28       I suppose, a single reference point for a single code where

        29       people can go to file complaints.

        30

        31       MR FINKELSTEIN:   When you speak about a single code

        32       applying to journalists and presumably media outlets as

        33       well, would you include radio and TV amongst the people,

        34       organisations – I mean the journalists who work on radio

        35       and TV – and the proprietors of radio and TV outlets?

        36       Would you include them in the single code formula?

        37

        38       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I see nothing wrong with some sort of

        39       extension document explaining how a basic common code would

        40       apply across all journalism.  Certainly radio,

        41       photojournalism, web-based media, print, each has their own

        42       idiosyncrasies where practitioners would need extension or

        43       support material.

        44

        45            But when you look at any code internationally and, as

        46       you were saying in the last session, it comes down to just

        47       some basic principles: accuracy, verification, fairness,

 

            .08/12/11  (3)              365         M PEARSON

                             Transcript produced by Merrill Corporation

 

 

         1       equity, right of reply, respect, respect for other people’s

         2       rights and underscored by fundamentally truth-telling,

         3       responsible truth-telling.  You could sum up a code in two

         4       words, responsible truth-telling, and that is what

         5       journalism is or should be about.

         6

         7       MR FINKELSTEIN:   What happens if the current means or

         8       methods of self-regulation will not be beefed-up by the

         9       participants?  Is that then the point at which some

        10       government action is required or, if a government acts

        11       responsibly, is it at that point that it should intervene

        12       and do something?

        13

        14       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Like I said earlier, people have

        15       recourse through various laws and often this is funded by

        16       various groups, anyway; it is not individual funding.  So

        17       it is not to say that only wealthy people in society can

        18       take legal action.  That is not the case.  It is quite

        19       often a union or perhaps a support group of some sort —

        20

        21       MR FINKELSTEIN:   That’s usually true for those who come

        22       into contact with the criminal law, but it is barely true

        23       for those who come into contact with the civil law.  You

        24       are right to say that, if a worker is injured, his or her

        25       union might come to the aid of the worker because of the

        26       collective responsibility that some unions see they should

        27       owe to the membership, but that’s not really the kind of

        28       situation that a person who is in a dispute with the press

        29       finds himself or herself in.

        30

        31            In other words, I don’t know of any support group or

        32       any kind of access for average income earners or less than

        33       average income earners if they are in a dispute with the

        34       press, and sometimes the dispute isn’t a dispute that can

        35       be dealt with through the courts because there might be

        36       false statements or something said but not of a defamatory

        37       kind, so that the law, even for the rich, is unavailable

        38       because the complaint is not about an event which

        39       constitutes a transgression of a law, a civil law.

        40

        41       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   So your question is should there be a

        42       government mechanism for recourse.  I think the system as

        43       it has been operating does not have fatal flaws and it is

        44       very important in a western democracy, without a bill of

        45       rights enshrining freedom of expression, certainly some

        46       High Court movements in that direction but nothing

        47       constitutionally beyond that implied political

 

            .08/12/11  (3)              366         M PEARSON

                             Transcript produced by Merrill Corporation

 

 

         1       communication defence.  It would be sending all of the

         2       wrong messages for a government body to have a brief of

         3       enforcing a journalism code of ethics.

         4

         5       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Why?

         6

         7       Lots of people say that, but I’m not

         8       sure often why they say that.  The code of ethics here

         9       would be – we have, say, the Press Council’s code of ethics

        10       developed by the Press Council in consultation with the

        11       press, so it is not a government code of ethics.  As we

        12       have discussed very briefly, there are common themes

        13       running through all the codes in any event.  So you have a

        14       code which is obviously acceptable to the press, or at

        15       least objectively ought be acceptable, but we know that it

        16       is in fact acceptable.  What is wrong in a democratic

        17       society where the rule is you have to abide by your code?

        18

        19       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Because basically if you are saying

        20       the existing legal mechanisms are inaccessible, you would

        21       be introducing yet another legal mechanism through such a

        22       formal system of regulation.

        23

        24       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Correct.  One would be effective in the

        25       circumstances where the others are ineffective.  In other

        26       words, introducing something that works in a situation

        27       where the existing methods don’t work.  Why is that

        28       anti-democratic?

        29

        30       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   We already have mechanisms like that

        31       and, as I explain in the submission, we have a media that

        32       is moving more and more towards a consumer model.  The

        33       existing media are under threat.  We already have the ACCC

        34       and consumer law that applies there.

        35

        36       MR FINKELSTEIN:   By and large the kinds of laws that the

        37       ACCC administer, at least the anti-trust provisions of the

        38       relevant legislation, don’t touch any issue that we are

        39       concerned with, and the false and misleading conduct

        40       provisions, the press being the press, have got express

        41       exemption from them.

        42

        43       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   That’s what my submission addresses.

        44       It talks about the fact that that exemption when introduced

        45       was a blanket exemption for prescribed news providers.  In

        46       the new environment prescribed news providers are

        47       effectively your traditional media and my suggestion in the

 

            .08/12/11  (3)              367         M PEARSON

                             Transcript produced by Merrill Corporation

 

 

 

 

 

 

         1       submission is that responsible journalism basically be a

         2       rebuttal presumption for anyone practising journalism, fourth

         3       estate style of journalism, and that that be modified so

         4       that you then have a misleading and deceptive conduct

         5       provision applying, which is already being applied in some

         6       circumstances.  In a commercial situation it is being

         7       applied —

         8

         9       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Part of the problem with that is, from my

        10       perspective, that the first is that if you lift the

        11       exemption or have circumstances where it doesn’t apply, it

        12       only affects statements made in trade or commerce because

        13       that’s the constitutional reach of section 52 or whatever

        14       new number it has got in the redrafted legislation, so it

        15       is of limited application; and the second problem is it

        16       says “Go to the court,” and you walk into a solicitor’s

        17       office and you will say to your solicitor, “I would like to

        18       sue this news outlet for false and misleading conduct,” and

        19       the solicitor will say, “Fine, we’ll take a $50,000 deposit

        20       and then we’ll see how we go as the case progresses.”

        21

        22            In other words, what worries me is that’s another

        23       exercise in unreality in a practical sense, not in a legal

        24       sense.  You can make it work in a legal sense and look

        25       fantastic, but it’s not going to actually help people.

        26

        27       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   My concern about an alternative model,

        28       where you are giving tough powers to enforce an ethical

        29       code through an existing body or a modified body, is that

        30       you would have exactly the same problem.

        31

        32       MR FINKELSTEIN:   You make assumptions, though.  You use

        33       the words “tough powers”.  You might have a particular

        34       meaning for those words which may differ from mine.  What

        35       happens if the “tough powers” were print a retraction,

        36       print a correction?

        37

        38       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I think we come back to the debate

        39       your previous – remember I’m still speaking personally, not

        40       on behalf of the research group.

        41

        42       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Yes

        43

        44       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I was listening to your earlier

        45       discussion with Mark Hollands.  I think one of the points

        46       that informs that attitude amongst editors is this notion

        47       of fourth estate which is still a residual ideal and it is

 

            .08/12/11  (3)              368         M PEARSON

                             Transcript produced by Merrill Corporation

 

 

 

 

 

 

         1       much more than just a commercial ethic on the part of

         2       editors.  It is a fierce independence from government, from

         3       government funded regulatory bodies —

         4

         5       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Perfectly happy to make it a levy and

         6       make the media organisations pay it.

         7

         8       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   It is still a government —

         9

        10       MR FINKELSTEIN:   It is not government funded.

        11

        12       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   It is still a government initiative.

        13

        14       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Correct.

        15

        16       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   It would be an initiative of the

        17       Australian government on an independent inquiry’s advice to

        18       force, with newspapers, a publication of certain material

        19       into a certain page of a newspaper.

        20

        21       MR FINKELSTEIN:   To force them to do what they say they

        22       should do.  Do you see the dilemma?  It is not creating a

        23       new rule.  It is not creating a new standard.  It is just

        24       saying, “This is what you say should happen.  Good.  Make

        25       it happen.”

        26

        27       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   All I’m saying is that without free

        28       expression entrenched in any constitution or bill of rights

        29       in this country, unlike most other western democracies, it

        30       would certainly send the message to the international

        31       community that the Australian government wants to force a

        32       will, whether it is its will in the circumstance, upon

        33       mainstream media organisations.

        34

        35       MR FINKELSTEIN:   It would be doing no more than at least

        36       the law of the land applies to broadcasters because it is

        37       very difficult even for those with an entrenched

        38       constitutional right, at least at the moment, to say you

        39       can’t have a rule like that in the case of broadcasters.

        40       In the United States the Supreme Court has said this kind

        41       of regulation about which I’m speaking or more stringent

        42       regulation, right of reply, is perfectly constitutional,

        43       consistent with the first amendment.  So that if you had a

        44       public outcry saying it is an imposition on free speech, it

        45       would be a relatively uninformed outcry.  I’m not sure that

        46       governments or people like me should worry about uninformed

        47       outcries.

 

            .08/12/11  (3)              369         M PEARSON

                             Transcript produced by Merrill Corporation

 

 

 

 

 

 

         1

         2       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   The other thing that would happen with

         3       this would be you would be establishing basically a

         4       two-speed regulatory process in a period of rapid media

         5       change.  We already have that, without entering into it and

         6       not knowing a lot about it, but with the purchase of

         7       consumer goods on-line you already have that sort of

         8       two-speed double standard applying.  Now, I might be an

         9       exception as an academic, but I now get all of my material,

        10       my news material, on-line and I’m just as likely to be

        11       reading the New York Times or Slate or Arstechnica as I am

        12       the Sydney Morning Herald or The Australian.

        13

        14       MR FINKELSTEIN:   True, but you will get news about quite

        15       different things.

        16

        17       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Not necessarily.

        18

        19       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Overwhelmingly.

        20

        21       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Perhaps overwhelmingly, but

        22       international news in Australia would have a double

        23       standard applying.  If you were applying Australian ethical

        24       code through a regulator in this country for a major event

        25       happening in Australia, you would be getting or you may

        26       well get quite different standards applying, one where

        27       there would be the reach of your proposed new regulator and

        28       one where there would not be the reach.

        29

        30            While it may not happen all that often, it will happen

        31       on the really big stories.  It will happen on the miners

        32       trapped or the collapse of government or the major protests

        33       in the streets, because you are not going to be able to

        34       enforce your new rules upon these international providers,

        35       just as you can’t enforce them at the moment and the states

        36       are having all sorts of trouble enforcing their various

        37       publication restrictions on suppression orders and contempt

        38       of court and all the rest of it on Facebook or Twitter.  So

        39       traditional media groups —

        40

        41       MR FINKELSTEIN:   I understand that.  That’s pointing out a

        42       consequence, but it is not really pointing to a reason.

        43       What you say is true of almost every current restriction

        44       which is imposed on not just media but on speech.  In other

        45       words, we have rules about obscenity, we have rules about

        46       pornography, we have rules about paedophilia, we have rules

        47       about what you can and what you can’t publish about court

 

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         1       proceedings and so on and so on and so on, and if the

         2       answer was if somebody in the United States could broadcast

         3       the material here with impunity and if that was relevant,

         4       then you would just get rid of all of those rules.  That is

         5       not a rational approach, in my mind.

         6

         7       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   My view is that why would you have a

         8       whole new regulatory regime and a whole new mechanism when

         9       you don’t need that.  I think the existing ones work

        10       reasonably well, but people don’t know about them, people

        11       are illiterate about the media, people, as the main

        12       submission I’m talking about today talks about, they have

        13       various levels of vulnerability to the media and aren’t

        14       able to – don’t want to go through the process and the

        15       grueling complaints system.

        16

        17            So, I think if you wanted to introduce such a system

        18       I would suggest you only did that after at least a trial of

        19       a better reference or a referral agency where something

        20       like the existing Press Council or the ACMA is actually

        21       funded to properly educate the community about the referral

        22       and complaint systems, where they can be proactive in

        23       launching complaints on matters that they have noticed

        24       themselves that have been identified to them, rather than

        25       this business where the person themselves have to issue a

        26       complaint, and effectively a one-stop complaints shop.

        27

        28       MR FINKELSTEIN:   What happens if that funding is not

        29       forthcoming voluntarily?

        30

        31       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I think it would be very much in the

        32       interests, just as it was in the interests of the

        33       mainstream media organisations to establish the Press

        34       Council in the first place, because of these sorts of

        35       concerns about regulation.  I think if the major media

        36       groups were to recognise that what distinguishes them from

        37       new and amateur players is the fact that they can practice

        38       responsible journalism, then we wouldn’t have any problem

        39       with such a complaints body being funded.

        40

        41       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Correct, and two of the three major news

        42       agencies have said in the last fortnight to me that the

        43       Press Council is adequately funded.  So my starting off

        44       premise has to be – and they are two of the three that

        45       provide almost all of the money and, according to Professor

        46       Disney, if one major sponsor – I don’t want to put it that

        47       way.  Two of the three who provide the bulk of the funds

 

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         1       have indicated that they will not provide more funds, no

         2       matter what the logic of your position is.  So I proceed on

         3       the basis that more money is not forthcoming, because

         4       that’s what I’m told.

         5

         6            So my world, the world with which I have to deal, if

         7       I decide that the Press Council is inadequately funded to

         8       perform its functions, including the additional functions

         9       which you say they ought to be able to carry out, then

        10       I know that’s not going to happen.  So the question is, for

        11       me, do I just leave it as is, and even you agree that

        12       that’s deficient, or do I do something about it, or do

        13       I suggest that something be done about it?

        14

        15       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I don’t know what this inquiry is

        16       costing, but it would be something in excess of a million

        17       dollars.

        18

        19       MR FINKELSTEIN:   So what?

        20

        21       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   My point is that such funding would

        22       fund a very effective one-stop shop for complaints for at

        23       least the near future.

        24

        25       MR FINKELSTEIN:   A couple of years, but it is government

        26       money.  My funding comes from the government.  So do I take

        27       it that you do not object to government funding?

        28

        29       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I don’t object to government funding

        30       of better education of the community in such a referral

        31       service.  There are tourism boards, there are all sorts of

        32       funding like that.  What I do object to, personally, what

        33       I do object to is a new regulatory regime —

        34

        35       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Forget about a new one.  Just giving the

        36       money to the Press Council.  That’s not new.  That’s old.

        37       It has been there for 40 years.  Do you have an objection

        38       to that?

        39

        40       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I don’t have any objection to money

        41       being given to the Press Council.

        42

        43       MR FINKELSTEIN:   From the government.

        44

        45       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I wouldn’t have an objection to that,

        46       as long as it wasn’t accompanied by new powers of

        47       enforcement.  So a government funded referral service or

 

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         1       beefing-up what the Press Council already does I would see

         2       as perfectly acceptable.

         3

         4       MR FINKELSTEIN:  Okay.  Can I shift on to the other paper.

         5

         6       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Sure.

         7

         8       MR FINKELSTEIN:   I’m very conscious of the fact that you

         9       have to get back to the airport, otherwise you will be

        10       stranded here.

        11

        12       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   There are worse places to be stranded

        13       in.

        14

        15       MR FINKELSTEIN:   I agree with that.  We nearly got

        16       stranded in Perth.  I did want to ask you a preliminary

        17       question, which is how far down the track is the project?

        18       The reason why I want to ask that is how far away are we

        19       from getting the data?

        20

        21       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Given the end of academic years at

        22       most of the institutions and so on, I would suggest that

        23       April to mid-year we would be getting the findings.  We

        24       already have the data.  We already have the data, all the

        25       data is collected and most of us have – you see, obviously

        26       with these things you carve up the tasks and so certain

        27       people have done the focus groups and all of the focus

        28       groups have been transcribed and they have been put into

        29       the appropriate software and research assistants have been

        30       working with that.  Then we have the various newspaper

        31       content analyses.  I have done the one for The Australian

        32       newspaper for 2009 with the help of research assistants.

        33       The other newspapers, the Sydney Morning Herald, the Quest

        34       Community Newspapers, two or three others that have been

        35       done, have been done by other researchers.

        36

        37            All of that has been completed.  The coding has been

        38       completed on that.  Now is the stage of the actual analysis

        39       and write-up into the various sections.  The main output

        40       that will be coming from it, beyond the report that needs

        41       to go to the ARC at the end of all such projects, which is

        42       not necessarily a large document, but the main thing is a

        43       book with chapters by us and various collaborators taking

        44       up the various aspects of vulnerability in all of the

        45       different sorts of interactions with the media, including

        46       the regulatory aspect.

        47

 

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         1       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Does that mean that, if I was to ask for

         2       it, they are not in existence yet, preliminary work by way

         3       of analysis that show, at least at an early stage, what the

         4       final result might look like?

         5

         6       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   We have talked about this as a group

         7       and we couldn’t really release the material that we have to

         8       date.  It would be a matter of, if your own brief was

         9       extended, if it started to get into that period, but our

        10       intensive period of analysis is going to be over the next

        11       two to three months.

        12

        13       DR RICKETSON:   What did you present at the journalism

        14       educators conference?

        15

        16       PROFESSOR PEARSON:  I didn’t present anything.  I was still

        17       teaching then.

        18

        19       DR RICKETSON:   I mean in the group.

        20

        21       PROFESSOR PEARSON:  Two or three of the colleagues

        22       presented basically papers explaining the project and just

        23       a few of the focus group findings and things.  Angela

        24       Romano presented a paper on the focus group findings to a

        25       diversity conference in North Queensland earlier in the

        26       year, mid-year.  I presented a paper in Athens last year

        27       just on the methodology and the background to the whole

        28       thing.  So, there have been bits and pieces so far.  I’m

        29       sorry, but we can’t – the media inquiry wasn’t envisaged

        30       when we were starting it and you can’t sort of rush these

        31       things when you want to do them properly.

        32

        33       MR FINKELSTEIN:   When the organisation’s paper speaks

        34       about vulnerable people, I understand it to include people

        35       with disabilities, maybe people at a young age, people who

        36       have suffered some bereavement in the family, something

        37       like that, but do you have sort of a definition or a proper

        38       list of the people who fall within the class that you are

        39       looking at?

        40

        41       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   One of the things, I suppose it was an

        42       early eureka moment or a finding, was that our original

        43       submission seeking the funding did do that.  We talked

        44       about indigenous sources, people with a disability, people

        45       experiencing mental illness, people who had been affected

        46       by or their families had been affected by suicide in some

        47       way, children, the elderly and so on.  Then, as we were

 

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         1       looking at examples and basically doing what you would call

         2       a trial content analysis, we started to see, “Hold on,

         3       there are others who are vulnerable in certain

         4       circumstances.”  One of our partners for the project is the

         5       DART Centre for Trauma and some of the complaints to the

         6       co-regulatory and self-regulatory bodies are about people

         7       who have been in trauma of some sort or are in such a

         8       traumatised condition after a news event that they are

         9       unable to speak to the media or perhaps after an injury or

        10       something like that, or under the influence of alcohol.

        11

        12            So we decided that vulnerability would have a broader

        13       definition, firstly because we didn’t want to stereotype

        14       particular groups and basically enhance, I suppose, the

        15       stereotyping of such groups by saying that these are

        16       vulnerable sources, because clearly it is unfair to say

        17       that about any of those groups that we just mentioned.

        18       Individuals within them are highly competent and able to

        19       deal with the media and quite resilient and able and quite

        20       media literate quite often.  So we thought we would look

        21       instead at the moments of vulnerability.  In other words,

        22       the situation, the news situation where such people, where

        23       all people might find themselves basically vulnerable to

        24       journalistic unethical behaviour.

        25

        26       MR FINKELSTEIN:   So that is not really putting anybody

        27       into a particular group to start off with; it’s just

        28       looking at the particular circumstances at times.  So it

        29       could be anybody from any background.

        30

        31       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Yes.  But, that said, in our analysis

        32       we certainly issued the amber light for a closer

        33       examination of the article if the individual or the source

        34       was from one of these so-called potentially vulnerable

        35       groups.  So, a story involving a child, for instance, a

        36       child in difficult circumstances and perhaps a teenager

        37       talking about her sex life and that being published or

        38       something like that, where perhaps there was a Press

        39       Council complaint emanating from it, then they became the

        40       subject of closer scrutiny.

        41

        42       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Was the focus of the inquiry things like

        43       did the person give consent to the story and could that

        44       consent be regarded as proper consent, one instance, and

        45       things like were photographs taken of people in distress or

        46       were stories written about people who were in difficult

        47       circumstances that might find themselves in either

 

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         1       embarrassing or hurtful positions, that kind of thing?

         2

         3       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   All of those things.  It was both

         4       photographic material, it was – but being a content

         5       analysis we were working from the material as presented in

         6       the newspaper.  There may be many more moments of

         7       vulnerability, perhaps, that did not result in a

         8       publication.  It doesn’t mean that there wasn’t harm caused

         9       back then at the point of inquiry or interview or whatever.

        10       It just might not have made it.  A person could still be

        11       traumatised by the experience of interaction with the media

        12       or something.  But all of that was underscored also by the

        13       fact that we recognise as researchers that sometimes there

        14       is a price that has to be paid in an interaction with

        15       someone who may be vulnerable for a matter of legitimate

        16       public concern which may well take precedence over what

        17       might be some level of harm happening to an individual for

        18       that truth to be told.

        19

        20       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Did you confine what you were doing to

        21       looking at what was published in the media or did you

        22       relate that also to the effect it may have had on the

        23       individual concerned?

        24

        25       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   We were unable to project what that

        26       effect might have been.  The project, in the scheme of ARC

        27       projects, had relatively low funding.  It was of the order

        28       of $90,000 over a couple of years, and there were six of us

        29       working on it.  So it didn’t really go all that far.  Much

        30       of that was taken up with the focus groups.  It was at that

        31       level where we spoke to people who had representation from

        32       some of these vulnerable groups and also other citizens

        33       within the community.  Some of them were selected

        34       specifically because they represented people from those

        35       sorts of groups, and others were more of a broader

        36       community representation.

        37

        38       MR FINKELSTEIN:   I see.

        39

        40       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Those people volunteered through a

        41       focus group situation their experiences with the media in

        42       stories concerning them.  So that was one way of getting

        43       beyond the content itself.  In the content itself, we could

        44       only work with what was there on the page.  But I have

        45       several examples from the Australian here today, just the

        46       coding sheets.  I have reviewed them again quite recently

        47       because I’m doing the analysis at the moment.  So I could

 

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         1       easily give you some examples of those sorts of situations.

         2

         3       MR FINKELSTEIN:   That would be very helpful.  Can I just

         4       go back to the focus groups, though.  Were the focus groups

         5       comprised exclusively of people who had had some

         6       unfortunate or what they thought was an unfortunate

         7       experience with the press or were the focus groups people

         8       who had and had not had contact with the press?

         9

        10       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Yes, it was that mixture.  To be

        11       frank, I was not involved myself with the focus groups.

        12       There were experts within our collaborative group who were

        13       experts in focus group management.  But, from memory, there

        14       was one that had people who had experienced mental illness.

        15       There was one with a mixture of Indigenous and people who

        16       were at least second generation from other countries,

        17       migrant groups, and others were a mixture of ordinary

        18       citizens.

        19

        20       MR FINKELSTEIN:   I’m going to ask an impertinent question.

        21       I will ask you to let us have a look at the data that you

        22       have.  Is it permissible for you to do that?

        23

        24       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I would need to just check with my

        25       group.  I wouldn’t have any objections myself.  At this

        26       stage it’s conditional upon the inquiry itself using the

        27       material and not launching it to any website or anything

        28       like that.  Is everything that we make available to you

        29       publicly available?

        30

        31       MR FINKELSTEIN:   No, the only things we have made publicly

        32       available are the submissions that parties or individuals

        33       have filed, provided we thought that they were appropriate

        34       to be published.

        35

        36       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I would just check with the other

        37       members of the group first.  The researchers get precious

        38       about their data, of course.  What I will say about the

        39       items from The Australian – and remember it is only a

        40       qualitative content analysis, because we had randomly

        41       selected days throughout 2009 that we were collecting from,

        42       so it is not like we have done a comprehensive count of

        43       every story in The Australian over that period; it was a

        44       story that appeared in the news sections of the selected

        45       days, which happened to be 12 days per year, over the year,

        46       one day per month for each of the newspapers we were

        47       looking at.  So it was not a huge dataset and it was

 

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         1       certainly not counted in that way.

         2

         3            But what I would say is that we were also on the

         4       alert, particularly when the amber light had gone on for

         5       the vulnerable groups, for positive handling of such

         6       situations and not just the negative handling.  Of the ones

         7       we looked at for The Australian newspaper there would have

         8       only been half a dozen or so out of it would have been

         9       several hundred articles where we could see a very, very

        10       clear moment of vulnerability which seemed not to have been

        11       handled that well and did not seem to have counterbalancing

        12       broader public interest concerns.  There were several that

        13       were handled quite well.

        14

        15       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Have you got similar data to hand where

        16       you could make observations of the kind you have just made

        17       but concerning other news outlets?

        18

        19       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   No, because my colleagues have that,

        20       our research assistant based out of Wollongong and the

        21       other colleagues that have been leading the project for the

        22       different publications.

        23

        24       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Are you able to say from the discussions

        25       you have had to date amongst your group whether you think

        26       that there are areas of concern where the press have in a

        27       sufficiently large number of cases, bearing in mind the

        28       limitations on the data collection process, that you would

        29       think that something like a body like a Press Council ought

        30       be having a look at it to see whether or not standards are

        31       being complied with or ought be firmed up?

        32

        33            I know, for example, that the Press Council have

        34       specific guidelines on suicide and are working on other

        35       areas as well; whether you know enough yet to say that

        36       there are some areas where the Press Council ought publish

        37       specific guidelines about how these kinds of situations

        38       should be dealt with, and then I will ask you what those

        39       situations are.

        40

        41       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   The answer is, yes, there are areas

        42       that journalists could improve their application of the

        43       various codes of practice that they operate under which has

        44       become apparent through a few of the cases that we have

        45       looked at.  One of them is the issue of dealing with

        46       children and whether children should be mentioned or —

        47

 

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         1       MR FINKELSTEIN:   You mean by name mentioned?

         2

         3       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Perhaps by name, but also perhaps not

         4       named but their circumstances may well accentuate their

         5       emotional harm or whatever because they are part of a

         6       story, even though not identified.

         7

         8            A second is clearly to do with suicide.  Even in The

         9       Australian newspaper there were two or three examples where

        10       the actual method of suicide was detailed.  In a couple of

        11       those cases it was to do with celebrities.  In other cases

        12       it was to do not so much with the method being detailed but

        13       basically speculating that the individual involved might

        14       well or it could be expected that they would be having

        15       suicidal feelings in those circumstances which were part of

        16       the story.  So, in other words, they were comment pieces

        17       going to the soul of the individual.  These were sporting

        18       individuals who were seen to be at their lowest career and

        19       life points, and it was raising suicide as a prospect.

        20       That was of concern.

        21

        22            One was a particular moment of vulnerability with

        23       children.  It was quite a high-profile case.  I think I can

        24       actually mention it.  You might recall it was the mother

        25       who had fled overseas with her child.  It was a custody

        26       issue and the father was back here.

        27

        28       DR RICKETSON:   In Victoria

        29

        30       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I think it was in Victoria, yes.

        31       I could dig it up here if you wanted me to.  But,

        32       basically, the point was that there were all sorts of

        33       comments made in the article quoting an expert about what

        34       the consequences, and the very negative consequences, would

        35       be for the mother and child if she gave up and surrendered

        36       herself.  We thought that was an unnecessary extension to

        37       take with the story because it was seen to be

        38       counterproductive to the outcome, which was clearly that

        39       the woman did surrender herself and the child.  So they are

        40       just some little skerricks of some insights of the sorts of

        41       things we were looking at.

        42

        43            Others were clearly outweighed by the public interest

        44       involved, but are interesting because of both the cultural

        45       and I suppose the globalised nature of news communication

        46       today; for example, an injured civilian in the Gaza Strip

        47       during a military conflict, clearly a bomb victim covered

 

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         1       in blood in terrible distress.  It just raises the question

         2       – and obviously from our earlier discussion it is something

         3       you need to consider in the reverse, I suppose, for

         4       international coverage of Australian stories, for

         5       Australian coverage of international stories – if this

         6       material is also posted to the website, what’s the

         7       implication back home for this citizen of another country

         8       who clearly has the same scope for embarrassment,

         9       humiliation with their depiction in a traumatic news event.

        10

        11       MR FINKELSTEIN:  Have you got any comments you could make

        12       about Indigenous people that you have personally looked at

        13       or that your group has discussed?

        14

        15       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   As an extension to the study I was

        16       funded through my allocation, being a media law researcher,

        17       to look for examples where both the ACMA and the Australian

        18       Press Council had dealt with complaints that we could

        19       identify as coming within our domain of these moments of

        20       vulnerability.  Surprisingly – and I explain in the

        21       submission – there were relatively few, it was only really

        22       20 or so between the two bodies, where we could see these

        23       moments of vulnerability finding their way all the way

        24       through to a complaint and a finding in various ways.

        25       Obviously the co-regulator deals with it differently from

        26       the Press Council.

        27

        28            In answer to your Indigenous question, amongst those

        29       there were three or four examples where the regulators had

        30       dealt in different ways with people who were clearly

        31       vulnerable individuals but their race seemed to be

        32       mentioned in either an unnecessary sense or in a derogatory

        33       sense.  So the fact that they were Indigenous may not have

        34       even needed to have been mentioned.  It didn’t seem to be

        35       relevant to it in one case I can think of.  In another it

        36       was the showing of footage to do with – it was basically a

        37       file footage issue where it was to do with an Indigenous

        38       story but it was showing very negative file footage

        39       attached to that.

        40

        41       MR FINKELSTEIN:   One of the points you do make in the

        42       organisation’s paper is it is a bit hard to draw a lot of

        43       conclusions from that from the numbers that you see, either

        44       the Press Council or through ACMA, because these kinds of

        45       people, the vulnerable, are less likely to make complaints.

        46

        47       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Yes.

 

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         1

         2       MR FINKELSTEIN:   That doesn’t tell you where there isn’t

         3       much.

         4

         5       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   We don’t know that they are less

         6       likely.  We can’t draw that conclusion.  But we have focus

         7       group participants saying that they were becoming

         8       frustrated with the processes; they didn’t have the energy;

         9       they were already traumatised; they didn’t want to have to

        10       deal with the media; all of those kinds of comments.  You

        11       must remember with focus groups – and we feel ours were

        12       managed particularly well – once you start homing in on the

        13       topic area people start sort of getting on their high horse

        14       and saying all sorts of things.  It is all grist to the

        15       mill, but it is only one element of the methodology.

        16

        17       MR FINKELSTEIN:   I think we are pretty much finished, but

        18       what I was going to ask was if in a month’s time —

        19

        20       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Unfortunately a month cuts straight

        21       across that Christmas break.  I will put it to my

        22       colleagues, but I don’t expect them to be working

        23       diligently on this over their family holiday period.  I’m

        24       sure if the inquiry was to offer an extension grant or

        25       something for the linkage project – no, that was all in

        26       jest.

        27

        28            The other big thing of course was the issue of consent

        29       in particularly traumatic situations.  Particularly my

        30       colleague Angela Romano from QUT has had a much closer look

        31       at this.  But, nevertheless, the issue seems to be in some

        32       of the codes of practice they talk about consent having

        33       been given and that being acceptable.  Consent was a

        34       recurring issue in the Press Council and ACMA

        35       deliberations, particularly with things like children or

        36       relatives giving consent for a vulnerable person’s medical

        37       details and then being identified in association with that,

        38       and the media accepting that level of consent when clearly

        39       the individual hadn’t agreed to it.

        40

        41            Dr Romano also raises the issue of the ability to

        42       withdraw consent and whether or not an editor might sort of

        43       give only one chance to give consent and not allow the

        44       opportunity for that to be withdrawn if the person is

        45       having second thoughts and the story is particularly

        46       newsworthy.  So we think consent needs to take into account

        47       the situation of trauma or vulnerability that the

 

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         1       individual is involved in, and that’s not necessarily

         2       written that well into the various codes of practice.

         3

         4            What we would like to see is the very issue of

         5       vulnerability being expanded so that, if there was a new

         6       code, it would make allowance for the fact that individuals

         7       in serious news events might be traumatised and may be

         8       unwilling to give consent at all, but should have the right

         9       to withdraw that consent at some stage.

        10

        11       MR FINKELSTEIN:   That is an interesting concept.  It is

        12       also interesting, the consent issue, because the kind of

        13       consent that was extracted from I think it was a footballer

        14       in London who had suffered quite serious injuries gave his

        15       consent to two reporters who had dressed up as doctors to

        16       get into his hospital room led – I can’t remember whether

        17       it was the third royal commission or the second royal

        18       commission, I think the third royal commission into the

        19       press.  It got everybody pretty excited, and quite

        20       legitimately.

        21

        22       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Two of the examples we look at to do

        23       with the Press Council actually have situations where that

        24       allegation was made in Australia on two of the complaints.

        25       The Press Council decided not to inquire further into the

        26       veracity because it was denied by the newspaper

        27       organisation but put by those who were the supposed

        28       victims.  It decided on other grounds rather than pursuing

        29       the inquiry into the circumstances in which the journalists

        30       got access to them in the first place.

        31

        32       MR FINKELSTEIN:   I think in the English case there wasn’t

        33       a dispute about it.  They said, “Sure, we got dressed up

        34       like doctors to get into” —

        35

        36       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   That was the Sunday Sport case

        37       involving the actor Gordon Kaye.

        38

        39       MR FINKELSTEIN:   No, a footballer.  I think it must have

        40       been in the 1970s.

        41

        42       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   That may well have been the case.  But

        43       the one that I mention is what prompted the Calcutt Inquiry

        44       originally, which was basically the first real exploration

        45       of these things.  It was the actor Gordon Kaye, who was in

        46       his hospital bed and semiconscious after head injuries in a

        47       storm in a motor vehicle.

 

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         1

         2       DR RICKETSON:   Also the code of ethics currently here, in

         3       the review of it in the mid-1990s, from memory, there were

         4       explicit clauses recommended for both dealing with children

         5       and dealing with people in if not vulnerability then grief.

         6       They were more expansive than the 12 clause code that was

         7       eventually voted in in 1999 or whenever.  In a sense,

         8       either you could go back and have a look at that or that

         9       ground has been at least explored in the past.

        10

        11       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Or if a new single code was pared back

        12       to those very basic principles we spoke about early in this

        13       session, then an extension document on dealing with the

        14       vulnerable, in other words the educational side of it,

        15       could take up that issue as part of the basic respect

        16       element when dealing with sources.

        17

        18       MR FINKELSTEIN:   If you had a pared back single code it

        19       wouldn’t be a bad idea to have a sort of explanatory

        20       memorandum going with it giving examples or an expansion by

        21       way of example or of common facts that a journalist might

        22       encounter in a professional life.

        23

        24       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   We make the point in our submission

        25       that something the Press Council has done very well has

        26       been the whole educational side of things and the funding

        27       of research and so on.  Part of that I think has been

        28       looking at case studies with journalism students at the

        29       various institutions where a Press Council member visits

        30       the institution and they do exactly what you are saying.

        31       They look at the actual principle that is involved and then

        32       they look at how that has been applied.  They get the

        33       students to engage with a particular news scenario which

        34       really did happen and then they look at the outcome and why

        35       the Press Council reached that decision.  So accompanying

        36       materials like that would certainly be of benefit.

        37

        38            But the problem at the moment is just the basic

        39       wording of all of the different codes of practice and code

        40       of ethics.  The standard one is the journalist code of

        41       ethics, the MEAA.  But, as you are fully aware, it has been

        42       very badly enforced.  That’s the issue.  But the document

        43       itself is probably the best working document, I would

        44       think.

        45

        46       DR RICKETSON:   It is also the oldest in its original

        47       incarnation.

 

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         1

         2       MR FINKELSTEIN:   That is it from us.

         3

         4       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   Thank you for the opportunity.

         5

         6       DR RICKETSON:   Thank you very much, Professor Pearson.

         7

         8       MR FINKELSTEIN:   Very good.  But if you do do some

         9       research between now and mid-January —

        10

        11       PROFESSOR PEARSON:   I will certainly put that to my

        12       colleagues.  We will link-up for a teleconference in the

        13       next week and I will correspond with your officers.

        14

        15       AT 4.48PM THE INQUIRY WAS ADJOURNED TO FRIDAY, 9 DECEMBER

        16       2011 AT 2.30PM

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            .08/12/11  (3)              384         M PEARSON

                             Transcript produced by Merrill Corporation

 

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Pressures on the media in a Western democracy #RSF #pressfreedom #censorship

By MARK PEARSON

Each year I file a report on key incidents and developments in the areas of media law and censorship as Australia’s correspondent for Reporters Without Borders.

This data, when combined with submissions from several journalism and academic colleagues in Australia and throughout the world, feeds into RSF’s annual World Press Freedom Index where most nations’ levels of media censorship are compared in a league table format.

I have just filed my 2011 report with the assistance of research assistant Kiri ten Dolle and share some of the highlights with you here, in reverse chronological order.

November 2011:

By far the most important threat to media freedoms in Australia came in the form of at least five government inquiries into media regulation conducted throughout the year, which I have blogged on previously. Between them they raised the prospects of tougher regulation regimes for print, broadcast and online media; a new tort of privacy; tough new classification systems across media; and the conversion of some self-regulatory bodies to regulatory status.  RSF was particularly concerned by suggestions at the hearings of the Independent Media Inquiry that journalists should be licensed or that the Australian Press Council should be given powers to fine media organizations for ethical breaches. See their release on the matter.

The trial of Victorian police officer Simon Artz for alleged leaks to The Australian newspaper about a counter-terrorism operation raised several media freedom issues, with Crikey senior journalist Andrew Crook allegedly breaching a suppression order by revealing the name of a former member of Victoria’s Special Intelligence Group involved in the hearing; warnings over Crikey journalist Margaret Simons live tweeting from the hearing; and The Australian’s Cameron Stewart being ordered to reveal his sources to the hearing.

In a separate matter Victorian Police were investigating an alleged hacking of an ALP electoral database by four journalists at The Age, including editor-in-chief Paul Ramage. The Age claims they received access to the private information of high-profile individuals through ‘appropriate journalistic methods’ and authorisation by a whistleblower.

October 2011

Leaks to the media were also central to a report by the Office of Police Integrity (OPI) found advisers to the Victorian police minister conspired to bring down the former police commissioner Simon Overland. Weston had allegedly leaked information to the media about Overland’s fallout with his former deputy, Ken Jones.

Government control over media access to detention centres prompted condemnation from the journalists’ union. Department of Immigration and Citizenship (DIAC) announced editorial control would be handed over to representatives of the immigration department under new guidelines introduced by DIAC that restrict reporting of and access to detention centres. Journalists and media organisations are required to sign a Deed of Agreement in accordance with the new policy which ultimately prohibits photography, film or interviews with individual detainees and rules that all footage must be submitted to department officials for approval before publication.

Defamation actions, even spurious ones, were alive and well despite uniform defamation laws introduced throughout Australia in 2005. Convicted killer Michael McGrane sought $30 million in damages from the Seven Network claiming he was defamed in a television show called “The Suspects: True Australian Thrillers”. A Queensland Supreme Court justice struck out the claim but gave McGrane leave to replead under a technical provision of the reformed laws.

The extent to which free expression should be trumped by hate speech laws was the subject of wide debate after a Federal Court judge ruled Herald Sun columnist Andrew Bolt breached the Racial Discrimination Act when he wrote that some fair-skinned people used their indigenous identity to further their careers.

September 2011

Fairfax Media group general counsel Gail Hambly and the editor-in-chief and publisher of The Sydney Morning Herald Peter Fray were summonsed by the Police Integrity Commission to produce documents on September 23 in relation to articles by the Herald journalists Linton Besser and Dylan Welch about the NSW Crime Commission. The inspector sought information about sources of information.

Fairfax Radio broadcaster Michael Smith’s contract was suspended in September when he tried to air an interview a former union official who claimed alleged fraudulent conduct by a former boyfriend of Prime Minister Julia Gillard. Smith took Fairfax Radio to court, contesting his ‘planned dismissal’ under the Fair Work Act and alleging he was victimised over his political beliefs.

August 2011

Two Brisbane journalists and a producer were dismissed by the Nine Network for faking live crosses to the Daniel Morcombe search site and ‘unfair dismissal’ litigation was foreshadowed.

July 2011

Cancer-stricken Hinch was sentenced to home detention in July after being found guilty of breaching four suppression orders by naming two sex offenders on his website and at a crime rally in 2008.

June 2011

Fairfax Media announced it would outsource the sub-editing of news, sport and business content to Pagemasters, a subsidiary of the Australian Associate Press (AAP), with a loss 44 jobs at The Sydney Morning Herald and 38 at The Age, despite calls from the NSW Upper Tribunal to abandon the decision.

May 2011

The Australian Broadcasting Corporation used a programming exemption to FOI laws to deny The Weekend Australian and Herald Sun access to its audience data and employee salaries.

Fairfax’s deputy technology editor Ben Grubb, 20, was arrested after reporting on a conference presenter’s alleged hacking at the AUSCert IT security conference. During the week, Grubb had published a story explaining a demonstration shown at the conference of acquiring private photos from a Facebook user without being a ‘friend’. Police seized his iPad but released Grubb after questioning him.

Sixty Minutes reporter Liam Bartlett and his crew’s attempt to enter the main detention centre at Christmas Island led to a police investigation. Bartlett and refugee advocate Kate Gauthier were denied access to the centre after it was alleged Gauthier’s baby, who was with them, was fitted with a recording device.

March-April 2011

Fairfax Media, publisher of the Sydney Morning Herald, and two of its senior journalists Linton Besser and Dylan Welch were issued with subpoenas by the NSW Crime Commission demanding them to surrender mobile phone records, sim cards and other communication related to an investigation of organised crime and corruption in NSW. The Crime Commission dropped the subpoenas in April.

February 2011

The NSW Supreme Court considered forcing three journalists from The Age to reveal their sources in a defamation trial centred around a story about former businesswoman Helen Liu and former defence minister Joel Fitzgibbon.

The Australian Communications and Media Authority found there had been no breach of privacy when Channel Seven’s coverage of NSW Transport Minister David Campbell’s resignation included footage of him leaving a gay club. While the ACMA acknowledged the privacy rights of Campbell, they ruled public interest outweighed his personal privacy because he was a public figure.

 ———–

Have we missed some? Please email me at journlaw@gmail.com if you think there are other important threats to free expression in Australia during 2011 and I’ll add them to our brief for RSF.

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer. My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Consumer law holds solution to grossly irresponsible journalism

By MARK PEARSON

Australia does not need a media tribunal with regulatory powers to punish ethical transgressions.

It already has one – in the form of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission.

My personal submission to the Independent Media Inquiry filed last week suggests that in the era of increasingly commercialised and converged media, the best protection for responsible journalism is to punish unethical, misleading and deceptive conduct by any corporation against media consumers.

A legislative solution already exists – and just requires an amendment to the existing news organisation immunity from prosecution under the ‘misleading and deceptive conduct’ provisions  at Section 18 of the Competition and Consumer Act 2010.

My submission argues that the Federal Government could give teeth to the existing protections under Section 19 of that Act by recognising that the news media in the new era is ‘just another business’ while offering strong protection for responsible, ethical journalism inquiring into serious matters of legitimate public concern.

The most serious cases of ‘misleading and deceptive conduct’ under Section 18 of Schedule 2 of the Competition and Consumer Act 2010 – in blatant disregard of the a new ethical code detailed below and with inadequate public interest grounds – should be actionable by both the ACCC and private citizens like any other consumer complaint, with the force of the regulatory powers it already holds.

The key to this would be an amendment of the ‘prescribed information provider’ exception (Section 19) so that news organisations would no longer have the blanket, almost unchallengeable protection for misleading and deceptive conduct which was introduced after their lobbying in the late 1970s and early 1980s. (I traced the background to the provision’s predecessor under the Trade Practices Act 1974 in the Australian Journalism Review in 2001.)

Instead, it would be a rebuttable presumption that such corporations publish responsible news and current affairs material of legitimate public interest in accordance with a journalism code of practice.

In other words, they would not have to defend trivial complaints on these grounds – only those where a court has ruled there had been a clear breach of their ethical code in circumstances clearly contrary to the public interest – blatantly irresponsible ‘journalism’ committed in their content creation or publication which is clearly their stock in trade.

The reform would expose media organisations from all platforms to ACCC prosecution for heinous ethical breaches along the lines of the News of the World scandal in the UK.

Anything less than the most extreme and offensive ethical transgressions impacting detrimentally on the rights of other citizens would be handled via existing laws or self-regulatory processes because they would not meet the still high threshold to overcome the s.19 exception. In fact, frivolous proceedings on lesser transgressions could result in an award of costs against the complainant in finding that they should have followed the alternative dispute resolution avenues of the existing self-regulatory or co-regulatory bodies. (Interestingly, the ACCC already has powers to pursue corporations for ‘unconscionable conduct’ under section 20, to which the media exemption does not apply.)

The High Court recently found against a media organisation under the former Trade Practices Act in ACCC v. Channel Seven Brisbane Pty Ltd [2009] HCA 19.  That decision related to false claims on ‘Today Tonight’ about goods and services. The reform would extend this to other ethical breaches.

It is essential that media outlets and journalists conform to ethical codes. It is in their interests that they do so, because it is these very ethical standards that distinguish them from the many new voices seeking audiences in the new media environment. However, my last blog demonstrated the confusing array of self-regulatory and co-regulatory documents guiding ethical standards of journalists and their outlets in this country.

No single journalist could possibly be expected to understand and operate effectively within deadline, paying heed to all that might apply to him or her, including the MEAA Code of Ethics, an in-house code, an industry code and the related laws and formal regulations that might apply. This moots strongly for a single code of ethics applying to journalists and their employers across all media, similar to the existing MEAA Code of Ethics, addressing fundamental principles of truth, accuracy, verification, attribution, transparency, honesty, respect, equity, fairness, independence, originality and integrity, with exceptions only for matters of substantial legitimate public concern.

Of course, this could be supplemented by industry or workplace ‘information and guidance’ documents to help explain to journalists and editors the fact scenarios and precedents applying to a particular medium or specialty, along the lines of the Australian Press Council’s guidance releases.

There is already an oversupply of regulation of the media and free expression generally in this country – across all levels of government and via quasi-governmental and self-regulatory and co-regulatory bodies.

Added to this there is considerable censorship of free expression in government and the corporate sector in the form of ‘spin’ or media relations policies that carefully control the flow of information to the public via the media. It would be counter-productive at a number of levels to apply new gags on the traditional media in the Web 2.0 environment. Firstly, it would send the wrong message to the international community about Australia’s level of free expression. Secondly, it would place Australian traditional media at a competitive disadvantage to new media providers who might be based overseas but reporting on Australian news and current affairs.

That said, the regulatory systems should recognise that the Web 2.0 environment has motivated the traditional media to focus more strongly on commercial interests than it has ever had to do previously. Historic sources of revenue such as classified advertising (the ‘rivers of gold’) have migrated to online providers, new media platforms have earned a share of the display advertising budgets and smart phone, tablet and web-based advertising and marketing have morphed with news content, breaking down the traditional ‘firewall’ between advertising and editorial material. News corporations should now be seen for what they really are – ‘just another business’ –  seeking the eyeballs, hits and downloads of consumers in the competitive new media environment.

Thus, the regulatory oversight of those selling news content should come under the auspices of the Australian Competition and Consumer Commission, with strong protections in place for those pursuing legitimate responsible journalism on matters of public importance. A division within the ACCC could be established to act as a ‘one-stop shop’ for the referral of citizens’ complaints about media outlets to the self-regulatory and co-regulatory bodies which would continue their complaints procedures and research functions.

The purpose of this submission is not to go into the mechanics of such legislation or its drafting. There have been legislative precedents on the use of regulatory codes as a backdrop to such a provision. For example, in the UK s12(4)(b) of the Human Rights Act directs a court to take into account ‘any relevant privacy code’ when considering whether free expression rights should outweigh privacy rights in a given situation. The ‘Journalism’ exemption to the Privacy Act 1988 at s. 7B(4) references privacy standards issued by the Australian Press Council as news organisations’ ticket to a waiver. However, the proposed reform would require more of them than simply being ‘publicly committed to observe standards’ and to have published them.

We do not need a Press Council with powers to fine or some new over-arching media tribunal you might find in small repressive regimes. If such a reform is managed properly, Australia can preserve its reputation as a nation with a relatively free media, while demonstrating it will not tolerate heinously irresponsible actions like those used by News of the World.

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Update: FIVE Australian media inquiries at once: your guide to the mayhem

By MARK PEARSON

N.B.: ACMA privacy inquiry added as #5 below.

There are five major federal inquiries into Australian media regulation under way, with considerable duplication of their terms of reference.

The technological challenges of convergence and international concern over journalists’ privacy intrusion are informing the debate about the issues and will likely shape their outcomes.

The five simultaneous reviews have caused a duplication of time, effort and resources for those facing the consequences of their outcomes. Interested parties might need to file up to nine submissions covering the issues papers already released and also appear at the various hearings.

I am summarising the key elements of each of the five here for the benefit of journalists, lawyers and researchers who, like me, are confused by this national inquiry-fest on a multiple fronts.

The inquiries (with hyperlinked URL), their terms of reference, issues papers, and submission deadlines are as follows:

 

1. Convergence Review

The Australian Government’s Convergence Review of the regulation of media and communications was announced in December 2010.

  • Its terms of referencerequire it to review the current policy framework for the production and delivery of media content and communications services in the light of convergence and:
    • develop advice for the government on the appropriate policy framework for a converged environment;
    • advise on ways of achieving it, including implementation options and timeframes where appropriate; and
    • advise on the potential impact of reform options on industry, consumers and the community.

It also has to inquire into and advise on:

  • whether the existing regulatory objectives remain appropriate in a converging environment; and
  • if so, whether the regulatory approach embodied in the current policy framework remains the most effective and efficient, and
  • its preferred alternative regulatory or non-regulatory measures to form a new framework and the principles that will underpin it.

It is required to ensure that media and communications services are provided within an environment that fosters competition, is technology-neutral, encourages a diversity of voices, and protects Australian culture, community values and citizens’ rights.

On September 19, the review released five issues papers addressing:

Submissions close on October 28. The Convergence Review’s report is due by the end of March 2012.

 

2. Independent Media Inquiry

The Independent Media Inquiry was announced on September 14 (supplementary to the Convergence Review) to provide a “separate and distinct examination of the pressures facing newspapers, online publications and their newsrooms, as well as the operation of the Australian Press Council”. It is due to report by February 28, 2012. Its terms of reference require it to examine:

  • the effectiveness of the current media codes of practice in Australia, particularly in light of technological change that is leading to the migration of print media to digital and online platforms;
  • the impact of this technological change on the business model that has supported the investment by traditional media organisations in quality journalism and the production of news, and how such activities can be supported, and diversity enhanced, in the changed media environment;
  • ways of substantially strengthening the independence and effectiveness of the Australian Press Council, including in relation to online publications, and with particular reference to the handling of complaints;
  • any related issues pertaining to the ability of the media to operate according to regulations and codes of practice, and in the public interest.

On September 28, the inquiry released an issues paper detailing its priorities. Submissions are due by October 31.

 

3. National Classification Scheme review

The Attorney-General asked the Australian Law Reform Commission on March 24 to investigate the National Classification Scheme and review:

  • existing Commonwealth, State and Territory classification laws;
  • the current classification categories contained in the Classification Act, Code and Guidelines;
  • the rapid pace of technological change;
  • the need to improve classification information available to the community;
  • the effect of media on children; and
  • the desirability of a strong content and distribution industry in Australia.

It released a Discussion Paper on September 30, and has called for online submissions by November 18. The discussion paper notes that news and current affairs are likely to be exempt from any classification regime. The ALRC’s report is due by January 30, 2012.

 

4. Commonwealth Government’s Privacy Issues Paper

The Australian government finally released a Privacy Issues Paper on September 22 addressing recommendations for a new statutory tort of privacy proposed by the Australian Law Reform Commission in its 2008 report Report 108: For Your Information: Australian Privacy Law and Practice (2008).

The paper asks:

  • whether new technologies create a need for new laws to protect privacy;
  • whether there should be a statutory cause of action for serious privacy invasion;
  • what standards should apply;
  • how other interests should be balanced (particularly free expression);
  • what defences should apply; and
  • several other questions related to any implementation of a new tort.

Submissions are due by Friday, November 4.

 

**UPDATE: 5. The Australian Communications and Media Authority (ACMA) Review of privacy guidelines for broadcasters IFC28/2011

The ACMA is reviewing the privacy and intrusion provisions of its various broadcasting industry codes of practice. Its original guidelines were introduced in 2005, and this is their first review.

It has released reviewed guidelines for comment in Word (286 kb) and PDF (230 kb) formats, suggesting new provisions relating to privacy intrusion and stories involving vulnerable people and children.

Its recommendations are based upon its commissioned research reports Community research into broadcasting and media privacy (2011) and Australians’ views on privacy in broadcast news and current affairs (2011).

It states it has considered:

  • the relevant provisions of the broadcasting codes of practice
  • the ACMA’s broadcasting investigations concerning privacy since August 2005
  • qualitative and quantitative research into attitudes to privacy, commissioned by the ACMA between May and September 2010
  • the Australian Law Reform Commission’s report 108 For Your Information: Australian Privacy Law and Practice
  • developments in the law.

Submissions are due by October 7, so act fast if you have a comment!

Clear as mud now? I’m looking forward to reading your submissions. 😉

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Why the Australian Government’s media inquiry is fraught

By MARK PEARSON

The Federal Government’s announcement of an ‘independent inquiry into the Australian media’ yesterday might well be a positive development if it were not politically driven, confused in its objectives and artificially narrow in its focus on the print media alone.

A ripple effect from the UK News of the World scandal combined with the machinations of a minority Australian Labor government to trigger this new inquiry, billed as a subsidiary of the existing Convergence Review of telecommunications and broadcast media regulation.

While it is described as ‘independent’ – chaired by retired judge Ray Finkelstein QC ‘assisted’ by University of Canberra journalism professor Matthew Ricketson – it has set off my press freedom alarm bells for other reasons.

Those individuals are excellent choices, but sadly the politician who announced it – the Minister for Broadband, Communications and the Digital Economy Stephen Conroy – has ‘form’.

He has long been the vocal advocate of an Internet filtering scheme for Australia and has only been prevented from introducing such an unworkable vehicle of web censorship by his lack of numbers in the existing Parliament.

Further, he has been at war with Rupert Murdoch’s News Limited over its coverage of his government and has accused it of pressing for ‘regime change’.

Yes, Prime Minister’s Sir Humphrey Appleby advised: ‘Never hold an inquiry unless you know what its outcomes will be’. If the minister’s advisers are working to that script, then media freedom advocates might well be worried.

While Senator Conroy announced the inquiry will focus on newspapers and their online operations, the terms of reference promise much broader objectives.

Focussing on the print media seems at odds with the overarching Convergence Review, particularly if other media and their codes of practice are not going to get the same level of attention as their newspaper cousins.

The terms of reference of this new media inquiry require it to report upon:

a) The effectiveness of the current media codes of practice in Australia, particularly in light of technological change that is leading to the migration of print media to digital and online platforms;

b) The impact of this technological change on the business model that has supported the investment by traditional media organisations in quality journalism and the production of news, and how such activities can be supported, and diversity enhanced, in the changed media environment;

c) Ways of substantially strengthening the independence and effectiveness of the Australian Press Council, including in relation to on-line publications, and with particular reference to the handling of complaints;

d) Any related issues pertaining to the ability of the media to operate according to regulations and codes of practice, and in the public interest.

These are important issues and worthy of considered investigation, but it is hard to see how an examination of the print media in isolation can resolve them. If there is a News of the World style of tabloid journalism in operation in Australia, you will find it in the two main commercial television networks’ evening ‘current affairs’ programs – Today Tonight and A Current Affair – not in genuine journalism and not in the print media.

There is a mishmash of in-house and industry codes of practice in operation as well as the Press Council’s Statement of Principles and the iconic but rarely enforced Media Alliance Journalists’ Code of Ethics.

Their review and a move to uniformity would be relatively easy. Most cover common values and ethical principles.

But the problem is not in their wording but in their dissemination and enforcement.

Most journalists operate under three such codes simultaneously – their own corporation’s code, an industry code, and the broader journalists’ code. Test any reporter on all three and my guess is they would fail dismally.

Your average citizen knows even less and does not really know where to file a complaint if they have one.

An important Press Council function has been the referral of complaints to other relevant bodies because they relate to different media or the behaviour of individual reporters rather than the outlets themselves.

The Press Council has done some great work over many years, particularly in its sponsorship of research and in its representations to parliamentary inquiries. But despite ramping up its complaints mechanisms it still cops cynical clichéd animal metaphors to describe its efforts, labels like ‘toothless tiger’ and ‘publisher’s poodle’.

Like much humour they are based on some truth, with the Council’s maximum penalty as a self-regulatory body being a request to the publication to publish its adverse finding, and its publisher-based funding raising questions about its independence. Funds have been slashed in recent years, as I have reported in The Australian.

The Council’s fundamental problem is that it has tried to be both an advocate of press freedom and an adjudicator of complaints against newspapers. While it has performed both tasks remarkably well with scant resources, it will be forever open to criticism until that dichotomy is addressed.

Its new chairman Professor Julian Disney is well aware of the problem and has been actively pressing for more funding and a cross-media regulatory role.

However, his expressed hope this week that the inquiry might lead to government funding should sound shrill alarm bells.

At what point does a government-funded body lose its ‘self-regulatory’ status? Would government funding of the Press Council trigger new animal metaphors as critics question the link between the government of the day and its self-regulatory decisions?

Perhaps ‘Labor’s lapdog’, the ‘Coalition’s fat cat’ or the ‘Greens’ gerbil’?

Seriously, though, there are some effective models for government funding of truly independent enterprises without government interference. The ABC is one that has worked relatively well for almost 80 years, although its board nominations and programming decisions have sometimes been questioned.

There are already hundreds of laws controlling the media in this country. I have built my research and publishing career around teaching and writing about them. We already have a government-funded regulator in the ACMA.

And we already have a government-funded self-regulator in the ABC’s Media Watch program. For mine, it is the most effective and best known of them all.

Instead of more regulation of the media, we need better public access to the complaints and legal mechanisms that already exist.

A better public ‘spend’ than greater regulation would be on more in-service training of journalists in sound legal and ethical practice, school and public education campaigns about media responsibility, and the establishment of media complaints referral services.

Government funding of self-regulatory bodies is a slippery slope and, despite its eminent leadership, this inquiry carries way too much baggage to inspire confidence.

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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#Law: How #courts decide whether to out #anonymous #Internet authors

By MARK PEARSON

Courts have taken a range of approaches on whether they will order the ‘outing’ of the identity of an anonymous Internet user. The super-rich have gone to court in the UK and the US to try to find the identities of bloggers who have caused them grief from behind the shield of pseudonyms (as Forbes reported).

In May 2011, a Utah court ruled in favour of 25 John Does known as ‘Youth for Climate Truth’ who had set up a fake website and issued press releases claiming the powerful Koch Industries would stop funding climate change deniers. The group is owned by Charles and David Koch who sit in the list of America’s top 10 wealthiest people. They were angered by the spoof site and its announcement so went to court to find out the identity of the protesters. But Judge Dale Kimball dismissed their motion for disclosure on the grounds that it did not meet the strict tests required to reveal the pranksters’ identities.

However, the High Court in England ruled in favour of another billionaire, Louis Bacon, who was attempting to force Wikipedia, the Denver Post and WordPress to cough up the identities of bloggers who had allegedly defamed him using pseudonyms. In late 2010, it had also ordered the revelation of another of Bacon’s critics who had created a website www.bahamascitizen.com. It seemed likely the US-based Wikipedia would protect its correspondent’s anonymity until it received an order from a US court with jurisdiction over its activities.

Even in the US, authorities can move with considerable speed and secrecy to demand account details on suspects. In 2010 the editor of the ‘Home in Henderson’ blog, Jason Feingold, was ordered by the North Carolina Superior Court to turn over identifying information on six anonymous commenters on his blog post ‘Arrest Made in Elder Abuse Case’. The identities of ‘Beautiful Dreamer’, ‘Fatboy’ and others were ruled actionable and disclosure ordered despite First Amendment and state shield law protections. Five of them later settled the defamation action.

In mid-2011, a Colorado District Court magistrate judge Boyd N. Boland produced an excellent summary of US decisions on discovery of anonymous sources and pieced together the criteria US judges apply before ordering their identification. The tough US tests pre-dated the Internet and were shaped by Supreme Court decisions over five decades protecting ‘anonymous speech’ as a First Amendment right. The landmark case was Talley v. California in 1960 where the court ruled a city ordinance was void because it required all leaflets to contain the name and address of the person who prepared, distributed or sponsored it. Delivering the judgment, Justice Black declared an identification requirement would restrict free expression. “Anonymous pamphlets, leaflets, brochures and even books have played an important role in the progress of mankind,” he declared. “Persecuted groups and sects from time to time throughout history have been able to criticize oppressive practices and laws either anonymously or not at all.”

In his 2011 decision, Judge Boland cited that case and explained that litigants seeking to ‘out’ an anonymous writer must:

–         give notice of their action;

–         identify the exact statements that constitute allegedly actionable speech;

–         establish a prima facie (“at first sight”) case against the defendant with enough evidence for each basic element of the action;

–         balance the defendant’s First Amendment right of anonymous free speech against the strength of the case;

–         show the disclosure serves a substantial governmental interest;

–         ensure it is narrowly tailored to serve that interest without unnecessarily interfering with First Amendment freedoms; and

–         convince the court that the case could not proceed without disclosure of the identity.

Judge Boland was ruling on an attempt by high-end tailor and fashion retailer Faconnable to force an ISP to reveal the identities of John Does who had posted entries on its Wikipedia entry claiming the company was a supporter of the Lebanese Shiite Islamist militia and political party. It wanted to sue them for trade libel and commercial disparagement. The disclosure order is on hold waiting appeal.

In early 2011, federal prosecutors had convinced a federal judge in Virginia to order Twitter to release account information on Julian Assange and other Wikileaks leaders as part of a grand jury probe into alleged criminal action. As Cnet reported, the judge rejected constitutional free expression and privacy arguments by Twitter, the Electronic Frontier Foundation and the American Civil Liberties Union that the details remain confidential. But the whole process had been kept secret until the judge ‘unsealed’ documents revealing the earlier stages of the prosecution processes. Appeals were under way in what promised to be a long legal struggle. As Cnet explained, the judge issued a 2703(d) order, allowing authorities to access materials from an Internet provider or website host “relevant and material to an ongoing criminal investigation.” The wide-ranging order requested all ‘contact information’ including “connection records, or records of session times and durations,” and “records of user activity for any connections made to or from the account along with IP addresses and all records or correspondence related to the accounts.

The decision followed a series of similar orders that courts unmask anonymous bloggers, Tweeters and Facebook users in both criminal and civil actions. The New York Supreme Court had ordered Google to identify an anonymous blogger in a defamation ‘fishing expedition’ in 2009. The Citizen Media Law Project explained how the operator of the ‘Skanks in NYC’ blog was unmasked on the petition of fashion model Liskula Cohen who had been denigrated in five postings about her sexual behaviour and ability.

Even a British local government body – the South Tyneside Council – managed to get a Californian order forcing Twitter to reveal the identity of anonymous bloggers who had been making ‘false and defamatory’ allegations about its councillors so they could launch defamation action against him. It was a surprising decision, given the strong First Amendment protections in the US, particularly for criticism of political figures. London’s Telegraph claimed Twitter had relented and handed over the identifying details of the users behind the accounts named @fatcouncillor, @cllrdavidpotts, @councillorahmedkhan, @councillorkhan and @ahmedkhan01. While Twitter had been among the most defensive of its users’ identity protection, a spokesperson said the most the company could be expected to do was to give anonymous bloggers advance warning that their details would be released so they had the chance to launch an appeal.

Lawyers for Welsh footballer Ryan Giggs were not as successful in discovering the anonymous Tweeters who had revealed the celebrity sportsman’s name in breach of a UK injunction issued to protect his privacy. They had gone to London’s High Court and won an order that Twitter reveal the details, but the US microblogging company seemed to have disregarded it because they were not obliged to comply with court orders from outside their jurisdiction.

Despite recent successes in the US, the Citizen Media Law Project lists several cases where litigants failed to meet the tough test needed to discover the identity of anonymous online writers, including:

–         In Pennsylvania, William McVicker lost in an attempt to subpoena Trib Total Media, publisher of the South Hills Record and YourSouthHills.com, for the identities behind seven screen names as part of an employment discrimination case.

–         In New Jersey, the President of the Galaxy Towers Condominium Association, Slava Lerner, failed to obtain pre-action discovery from Michael Deluca, publisher of GalaxyFacts, a website forum used by Galaxy Towers condominium owners.  Lerner sought the identities of commenters who ‘accused [him] of improprieties’.

–         In New York, an Orange County grand jury subpoenaed The (Chester) Chronicle for information about a schools superintendent by two anonymous posters to its website. A judge quashed the subpoena in 2010 because the identities were not crucial to the matter at hand.

–         A Missouri court denied a motion to compel The Springfield News-Leader to identify ‘bornandraisedhere’, a commenter on its website. It held the writer had First Amendment protections despite agreeing to the newspaper’s privacy policy before commenting on an upcoming civil case.

Even some traditional news organisations have tried to discover the identity of bloggers when defending their own interests. News America, publisher of the New York Post, sought a subpoena in California in 2005 to force Google to reveal the identity of a blogger who had breached its copyright by posting its entire Page Six column without advertisements, the Citizen Media Law Project reported.

UK courts draw on a decision made by the House of Lords almost two decades before mainstream use of the Internet. The 1973 case of Norwich Pharmacal v. Customs and Excise Commissioners centred on a company seeking the identity of those importing goods that infringed their patents. The customs commissioners were ordered to reveal the identity of the importers. As law firm Gillhams explains:  “The House of Lords found that where a third party had become involved in unlawful conduct, they were under a duty to assist the person suffering damage by giving them full information and disclosing the identity of wrongdoers.” In contrast to the US, disclosure becomes the starting point in Britain. The High Court of Justice applied the Norwich Pharmacal test in 2009 when it ordered Wikipedia to reveal the IP address of an anonymous party who had amended an article about a woman and her young child (‘G and G’) to include sensitive private information about them. The judge suppressed their names on confidentiality grounds because he believed the entries were part of a blackmail threat against the mother. Even though the owner of Wikipedia (Wikimedia) was based in Florida in the US, the court issued the disclosure order. Wikimedia complied, but insisted it was not legally bound to do so because it was in a different jurisdiction and had immunity under s. 230 of the US Communications Decency Act (1996) as a third party publishers of the comments of others.

However, disclosure is not automatic in the UK courts. In 2011, British woman Jane Clift failed in her attempt to get the High Court of Justice to order the editor of the Daily Mail’s website to reveal the identities of two anonymous commenters on an article about her. The newspaper and the website had run a sympathetic article about her winning a defamation action against the Slough Borough Council after they had published her name on a Violent Persons Register for merely reporting that a drunk had damaged a city flowerbed. However, when anonymous critical comments appeared at the base of the web article she tried to find their authors so she could sue them too. But Mrs Justice Sharp ruled that Clift had failed to meet the Norwich Pharmacal test. She said any libel action was unlikely to succeed because readers would not have taken the remarks seriously – they would have considered them mere ‘pub talk’. She gave greater weight to the privacy interests of the anonymous authors.

Canadian judges apply a different four-point test in deciding whether they will protect anonymous bloggers’ identities. Judges need to consider whether:

–         the unknown alleged wrongdoer could have a reasonable expectation of anonymity in the circumstances;

–         the litigant has established a prima facie (‘at first sight’) case against the unknown alleged wrongdoer and is acting in good faith;

–         the litigant has taken reasonable steps to identify the anonymous party and has been unable to do so; and

–         the public interest in disclosure outweighs the interests of free expression and right to privacy of the anonymous authors.

The test was developed in late 2010 by Justice Jennifer Blishen of the Ontario Superior Court of Justice in a case stemming from comments made on a political message board Freedominion. Two ‘John Does’ – ‘conscience’ and ‘HR-101’ – described human rights activist and lawyer Richard Warman as a sexual deviate and a Nazi in several postings to the site’s 9000 users. Justice Blishen ordered the site owners to hand over identifying details on the John Does, including their email addresses, IP addresses and personal information submitted when they registered for the forum.

But the same test had a different result in a case with similarities to the South Tyneside Council matter, when the Ontario Superior Court of Justice in July 2011 refused to order the unmasking of local bloggers who had criticized the Aurora city mayor. The Canadian Civil Liberties Union intervened to help protect the bloggers on the grounds that a prima facie defamation case had not been established and their free expression rights would be compromised.

A so-called anonymous ‘poison-penner’ was not so fortunate in Western Australia, however. As The Age revealed, a blogger using the pseudonym ‘witch’ launched a series of attacks on a stockmarket forum about technology security company Datamotion Asia Pacific Ltd and its Perth-based chairman and managing director, Ronald Moir. A court ordered the forum host HotCopper to hand over the blogger’s details which could only be traced to an interstate escort service. But private investigation by the plaintiff’s law firm eventually found the true author of the postings who was then hit with a $30,000 defamation settlement.

Many such cases involved legitimate criticism of major corporations or wealthy public figures, and there are strong First Amendment arguments that a blogger’s anonymity should be protected. CyberSLAPP.org was set up in 2002 by several free expression organisations to highlight the use of court actions by powerful litigants to ‘out’ anonymous critics. As their site explains, the groups propose a legal standard for courts to follow in deciding whether to compel the identification of anonymous speakers. They demand suitable notice, an opportunity to be heard, and the right to have claims of wrongdoing detailed before requiring identification. The coalition also sets out ‘best practices’ for ISPs. They feature scores of case examples of their website for the information of defendants. Coalition members include the American Civil Liberties Union, the Center for Democracy and Technology, the Electronic Frontier Foundation, the Electronic Privacy Information Center, and Public Citizen.

In some countries bloggers might face much more serious consequences if they operate under their true identities. ISPs and other hosts have been all too willing to hand over their details to litigants and governments. The most famous example was the case of Chinese journalist Shi Tao who used his Yahoo! email account to send information about censorship policies to a foreign source. Yahoo’s Hong Kong branch handed his details over to the Chinese government without even questioning their authority or warning its client. Shi Tao was jailed for 10 years in 2005 for ‘divulging state secrets’. Even India, with a better record of free expression, demands ISPs reveal anonymous users’ identities. As Reporters Without Borders revealed, an Indian high court ordered Google to release the true identity of blogger ‘Toxic Writer’ who had posted critical comments about construction company Gremach.

If there is a lesson in all this, it is that anonymity is never guaranteed and bloggers and social media users need to take legal advice to weigh up the risks before attempting to hide behind a nom de plume or nom de guerre online.

© Mark Pearson 2011

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

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Trivialising a gag on free expression

By MARK PEARSON

It was not surprising that many citizens would support the Victorian government’s ban on swearing in public places allowing police to issue $238.90 on the spot fines for profanities.

What was disappointing was the support of the language ban and the police powers by the former editor of The Age and the Herald-Sun, Bruce Guthrie (The Age, 12.6.11).

His opinion piece was tongue-in-cheek, with token swearing puns in the heading, intro and conclusion.

He derided the small crowd of protesters who demonstrated outside State Parliament against the law and suggested their cause paled in comparison with his own anti-Vietnam war and pro-indigenous apology protest marches.

Guthrie’s support for the laws was in part a call for ‘public propriety’ and partly a hope that swearers might extend their vocabulary beyond the profane.

But it amazes me that a former editor of major daily newspapers should so readily support a gag on speech and an extension of police powers.

He must have editorialised countless times on our freedom to communicate and upon police abuse of the powers they already have.

Swearing in public might not seem like a major free expression issue, but offensive language and behaviour has been at the centre of some of the free world’s most important judicial decisions.

Guthrie’s trite opinion piece happened to appear just as I was reading Ronald Collins and Sam Chaltain’s excellent history of US First Amendment cases – We Must Not Be Afraid to Be Free – Stories of Free Expression in America.

They explain that not all speech is protected in the United States, but make it clear that the Supreme Court has taken the right so seriously that obscenities and profanities have been protected when they have had a political message.

The F-bomb was even protected in the context of Guthrie’s heartfelt anti-Vietnam War cause in Cohen v. California in 1971 when a protester wore a jacket emblazoned with the words ‘Fuck the Draft’.

In January this year a superior court ruled a similar provision to the Victorian law unconstitutional in North Carolina after a woman appealed her arrest for using the words ‘damn’ and ‘assholes’ at police who had directed her to move along.

Some might feel the US has gone too far with its First Amendment protections. Journalists do not normally form part of this group. Neither does the New Zealand Supreme Court, it seems, which this year decided its Bill of Rights free expression provision protected Valerie Morse, an anti-war protester who burned her country’s flag during an Anzac Day dawn memorial service in Wellington. Her conviction for offensive behaviour was set aside on this basis. Surely burning your nation’s flag during a sacred day of remembrance is more ‘offensive’ than dropping the ‘f’ word in a Melbourne mall?

But an Economist blogger points to the greater concern about the Victorian gag law – that it will be used disproportionately against juveniles and minorities. They end with: “…let’s hope this is one of those laws on the books but never enforced…”

Guthrie puts us straight there when he reveals that 800 infringement notices for offensive language had already been issued by Victorian police during the new law’s trial during the 2009-10 financial year. Clearly, the police have not been reluctant to use their new powers.

Guthrie has exercised his own right to free expression by taking on News Limited in his recent court battle over unfair dismissal and his subsequent book Man Bites Murdoch revealing the inner workings of that organisation. He was able to write it because there is some semblance of free expression in this country, though it is being steadily eroded by politically expedient laws like this one in Victoria and by editors who appear blind to the fact that there is no such thing as a ‘minor’ act of censorship.

* Mark Pearson is professor of journalism at Bond University and Australian correspondent for Reporters Without Borders. He tweets from @journlaw and blogs from journlaw.com

——–

Disclaimer: While I write about media law and ethics, nothing here should be construed as legal advice. I am an academic, not a lawyer! My only advice is that you consult a lawyer before taking any legal risks.

© Mark Pearson 2011

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Four views on #Amnesty from Aus MPs – bipartisan support?

By MARK PEARSON

Last night I addressed the Gold Coast celebration dinner for the 50th anniversary of Amnesty International, as detailed in my last blog.

An executive member kindly directed me to this fascinating debate on the floor of Australia’s House of Representatives on May 23, where four politicians spoke to congratulate the organisation on its birthday.

It is interesting to note the different perspectives on Amnesty, given the current context of the organisation’s active representations on the issue of Australia’s potential deal with Malaysia on asylum seekers.

The first speaker, independent Rob Oakeshott, points this out in his congratulatory remarks. The second, Liberal Judi Moylan, ignores it. The third, Labor’s Laurie Ferguson, regrets “too pronounced an emphasis on the asylum refugee issue” which he claims has eroded its bipartisanship among politicians. The fourth, fellow Liberal and former immigration minister Philip Ruddock, has an unusual moment of agreement with his Labor adversary and reinforces his call for a return to core Amnesty causes. (When immigration minister, Ruddock was asked by Amnesty to remove his lapel badge while advocating policies the organisation opposed.)

It is a relatively short but instructive parliamentary excerpt for those interested in the politics of language in a human rights context:

————————-

Australian House of Representatives Hansard, May 23, 2011: (http://www.aph.gov.au/hansard/reps/dailys/dr230511.pdf)

PRIVATE MEMBERS’ BUSINESS 50th Anniversary of Amnesty International

Debate resumed on the motion by Mr Oakeshott:

That this House:

(1) notes that 28 May 2011 marks the fiftieth anniversary of Amnesty International, a global movement of over three million supporters dedicated to defending and protecting human rights;

(2) recognises the important role Amnesty International continues to play in promoting and protecting human rights and shining a light on human rights abuses around the world;

(3) acknowledges the many achievements of Amnesty International, including its:

(a) integral role in the development, promotion and ultimate adoption of the United Nations Convention Against Torture in 1975, it being awarded the Nobel Peace Prize in 1977 and the Sydney Peace Prize in 2006; and

(b) successful campaigning for the release of thousands of political prisoners around the world; and (4) notes that from 1961 till the end of 2010 the organisation:

(a) conducted at least 3,341 missions to research human rights abuses around the world; and

(b) produced and published an estimated 17,093 reports and public documents including the annual human rights report which is now produced in 25 languages; and

(c) issued over 31,000 urgent actions for individuals at risk.

Mr OAKESHOTT (Lyne) (11:01): I note, as a co-chair of the reformed parliamentary Amnesty group, that there is some very good work of a bipartisan nature done amongst my colleagues, work that is targeted towards the too many parliamentarians or election candidates around the world who have found themselves being persecuted, for a number of reasons. I hope that work continues and I hope the parliamentary group continues to be active.

Happy birthday, Amnesty International, and thank you for the good work that you continue to do. In my view, the organisation is at the front end of protecting, defending and advocating for the individual, despite collective will being quite often against the individual. It is, I think, a flaw in mankind that we tend towards inhumanity and unkindness towards each other. Organisations such as Amnesty International remind us of the higher values rather than the lower ones and focus us on humanity and kindness rather than on the inhumane and unkind.

These principles behind Amnesty International—I might put alongside that human rights and the United Nations generally—too often in Australian political culture get an unfair serve and are seen as the soft or weak options. These unfair serves only strengthen the resolve of many. The courage of those who support and advocate for higher values and higher principles is highlighted by the fact that they do so when many are accusing them of being weak or soft. So this is an important organisation, not only domestically but internationally. May their work continue.

Only last night I was watching Dateline covering an issue of the moment—Australia’s potential agreement with Malaysia about asylum seekers. It was a very good program and it is Amnesty Australasia that is leading the charge for public policy in this country to deeply consider the realities of detention in Malaysia. I would hope that a good government, regardless of political persuasion, would consider those facts and take the views of Amnesty International on board.

Likewise, an issue of the moment is the call for action on war crimes within Sri Lanka over the past decade. This is an uncomfortable issue for governments to deal with but one that is important, again, if we are pursuing higher ideals. In an ideal world, organisations like Amnesty International would be unnecessary. In practice, their work is critical to making sure governments of all persuasions in all countries work in the best interests of their communities rather than their own best interests and chase those higher ideals rather than the low ones. Happy birthday and thank you to Amnesty International. (Time expired)

Mrs MOYLAN (Pearce) (11:06): It is a great honour to second the member for Lyne’s motion noting the forthcoming 50th anniversary of Amnesty International. I thank him for bringing this to the notice of the House. The date of 28 May 2011 marks 50 years of a movement that has championed the cause of human rights globally. The pursuit of basic freedom and protection of individuals across the divides of race, sexuality, citizenship, gender, nationality, ethnicity and ability has been unrelenting and the successes have been innumerable.

Since 1961, Amnesty International has conducted 3,341 missions to research human rights abuses around the world, including recently the treatment of asylum seekers in Malaysia. The member for Lyne mentioned Graham Thom’s performance on Dateline and, listening to the briefing provided by Graham Thom to this parliament on that mission, one can only marvel at the enormous courage of those individuals who place themselves in difficult and sometimes dangerous situations to open the eyes of the world to the many inhumanities being perpetrated on the innocent. Graham Thom is one of those very courageous people.

Amnesty International has published over 17,000 reports and public documents, including the annual human rights report, which is now produced in 25 languages. On 10 December 1961, the first Amnesty candle was lit in the church of St Martin-in-the-Fields, London. This iconic event occurred following the first meeting of Amnesty International, at which delegates made a decision to establish a permanent international movement in defence of freedom of opinion and religion. That movement was inspired by British lawyer Peter Benenson, who witnessed the growing global trend of imprisonment, torture or execution of people because of their political views or religious orientation. Many of us witness things that disgust and alarm us, but Peter Benenson had the courage to act on what he was seeing. Indeed he gave his life to ‘the vision of collective action that defines Amnesty International’s work today’. Peter Benenson said at the time:

If these feelings of disgust all over the world could be united into common action, something effective could be done.

Something effective has been done and today we are celebrating 50 years of that action to free people from violation, from having their freedoms denied. In 1973, members and senators in this parliament caught that vision and established a parliamentary amnesty group. Today, I pay tribute to the men and women of this parliament who kept that flame burning brightly for their dedicated work in ensuring that people’s rights and freedoms, wherever in the world they are violated, continue to be a focus of their work. Today we acknowledge the many successful and notable campaigns Amnesty has conducted and pay tribute to all the people of the world who involve themselves day to day in the work of this great and noble organisation. I feel privileged to join with my colleagues to keep the flame of such a great organisation burning in the corridors of this parliament.

Amnesty’s 50th anniversary provides a splendid opportunity to recommit ourselves to act as Peter Benenson did when he read about the prison sentences imposed on Portuguese students all those years ago. The Amnesty symbol of a candle wrapped in barbed wire is inspired by the ancient Chinese proverb ‘It is better to light a candle than to curse the darkness.’ May we again dedicate ourselves, as the member for Lyne said, to greater humanity and greater kindness in the carrying out of our duties within this parliament.

Mr LAURIE FERGUSON (Werriwa) (11:11): I genuinely congratulate the member for Lyne on raising this matter. For a person who from an early age was interested in other countries and events in the foreign policy area, it was a very welcome possibility, when I arrived in the federal parliament in 1990, to join the group that was just alluded to by the previous speaker. The group was already formed here, and my understanding is that it was the first in the world. I congratulate the people who established it—people like Rob Lundie, in the Parliamentary Library, who persisted over many years selling badges here once a year and basically carrying the organisation. That is another welcome event. We in this parliament do not often get involved with groups that have both parliamentary and staff members, so that is great.

I believe that the strength of Amnesty International is the perception among those who are honest and sincere that it is neutral. It is constantly belittled, attacked and vilified by regimes around the world. It is seen sometimes as an instrument of the West. It is seen as an organisation that might be undermining supposedly idiosyncratic attitudes to rights in, say, the Middle East and other nations—that somehow rights are not universal and Amnesty International is a tool of Western attitudes. It has a track record that stretches back to supporting Jews and Baptists in the Soviet Union during oppression there, taking up the cause of people who start to struggle for democracy. Today, it is a defender of Arabs against Israeli colonial measures and suppression; it is a campaigner for the rights of Arabs in the Middle East against oppressive regimes that sometimes utilise the issue of Palestine to preserve themselves.

Most people would very much regret and repudiate those regimes—Sri Lanka is a current example—that basically try to argue that there is not genuineness on the part of Amnesty International. Amnesty has the track record. It is respected for that. It is interesting to note that since its formation in 1961 it has changed its emphasis from its original one of taking up the precarious situation of those individual prisoners to looking at questions of torture, the families involved and the question of the fairness of the trials themselves. Amnesty has very much changed its level of activity over that period, but throughout it has been a very credible international source. Its receipt of the 1977 Nobel Peace Prize was certainly recognition of that.

As a former member of the parliamentary group, I perhaps have regrets that in some fashion the degree of support for the external organisation has tended to deteriorate since I arrived here. I believe that too pronounced an emphasis on the asylum refugee issue unfortunately has tended to undermine the effectiveness of the organisation in a parliamentary sense. It is far easier to have a non-partisan, inclusive organisation when you are not getting into areas that cause differences within the membership. Certainly their work on that front is merited, but I think people’s ability to work together across party lines has somewhat lessened over recent years. Amnesty, as indicated by the previous speaker, traces its genesis back to Portugal under the Salazar regime, the new order there. Allegedly it was created when some people were jailed for toasting liberty there. When I read the history of the organisation—there is some doubt about that history that Benenson gave—it certainly is a reminder of what happened through the Cold War. And it is still the case sometimes now. We see an example in East Timor, with the Islamic world supporting Indonesia throughout its occupation because it was an Islamic country. Back in that period, some people were inclined to forget what was happening in Portugal because it was seen as an ally of the United States. This is one of the strengths of Amnesty, its ability to avoid international divisions between various blocs and to come through saying that there are certain inalienable rights, that there are certain things we must stand for in regards to humanity. That is something which has allowed all of us, regardless of what we think on many other issues, to come together. I join with other speakers in recognising this 50th anniversary.

Mr RUDDOCK (Berowra) (11:16): I take this opportunity to thank the member for Lyne for enabling us to record the importance of this international organisation, Amnesty International. I have been proudly a member over something like 36 years. I was certainly engaged when the parliamentary group was formed, as was alluded to by the member for Pearce. I joined the organisation, strangely, because of the encouragement of people who, unexpectedly, would be my friends—the late Bill Wentworth, the late Dick Klugman, Tony Lamb, David Hamer, Alan Missen, Michael Hodgman. This was an organisation that could adopt the cause of fighting Right and Left dictatorships around the world and did so without fear or favour. Its core principles were of such fundamental importance. Who could disagree?—opposition to the death penalty, focusing on the use of torture, prisoners of conscience. Amnesty was a courageous organisation. I can remember Michael Hodgman railing against the advice they gave us that they would not adopt Nelson Mandela as a prisoner of conscience. Why? Because he would not eschew the use of violence in pursuit of his political objectives. They held so strongly to those sorts of judgments that they would take courageous decisions.

I was very proud of the parliamentary group formed by the efforts of Lenore Ryan from Victoria. She was brought here by Tony Lamb. I held early office, as did David Hamer, but one of our most courageous members was the late Alan Missen, who even went to the former Soviet Union and brought out some of the important records of people like Solzhenitsyn and the like to understand what was happening in that regime. We would take up the causes regularly and vociferously by visiting missions and talking to them about human rights issues. We had the opportunity, with the Bush visit to Australia—not George Jr, George Sr—to raise the issue of capital punishment in United States of America. As you can gather from my comments, I am very proud of this organisation. I have proudly worn its badge over a long period of time. Not everybody has been comfortable with that and the member for Werriwa spoke about that in part. I think Amnesty, when it gets caught up by some groups who say, ‘It is such an important organisation—if they adopt our cause as well,’ weakens its principal mission. Not every asylum seeker is a prisoner of conscience—some may be—but by running issues that others ought to be running I think Amnesty is diminished. I spent a lot of time travelling at various times. I was in Trafalgar Square and I saw some rallies being organised by Amnesty—and what were they on? Domestic violence. Domestic violence is abhorrent and people ought to run it as an issue, but it is not one of Amnesty’s core issues, in my view; yet it is now one of those issues it takes up which detracts from its principal purpose.

If you get the impression that I agreed very much with the member for Werriwa, you are right. I am opposed to capital punishment. I abhor the use of torture. I believe we should work conscientiously in relation to prisoners of conscience. If we keep that focus, this organisation, which I have been part of for so long, will contribute positively not just for another 50 years but for tens of decades into the future, while ever there is a need, regrettably, to be working on those causes.

The DEPUTY SPEAKER (Hon. Peter Slipper): Order! The time allotted for this debate has expired. The debate is adjourned and the resumption of debate will be made an order of day for the next sitting.

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Free expression and Amnesty International at 50

Address to ‘Taste of Freedom’ – Amnesty International 50th anniversary celebration function, Bond University, May 28, 2011

By MARK PEARSON, Professor of Journalism, Bond University and Australian correspondent, Reporters Without Borders.

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Amnesty International has taken up the human rights causes of countless individuals throughout the world since its British founder, lawyer Peter Benenson, first penned an article in The Observer on this date in 1961.

He drew attention to those “imprisoned, tortured or executed because his opinions or religion are unacceptable to his government” after reading about two Portuguese students who had been jailed for proposing a toast to liberty in a Lisbon bar.

The very acts of both Benenson in writing that article and of the students in proposing that toast were exercises of political expression. In Benenson’s case it was ‘free expression’, while in the case of the students it was punished by a government opposed to its exercise.

Free expression is just one of many rights Amnesty International has defended over that half century. There are many other international organisations specialising in its defence alone, including Article 19, Index on Censorship and Reporters Without Borders (for whom I am Australian correspondent).

It is a right Amnesty regards as “important for the personal development and dignity of every individual and vital for the fulfillment of other human rights”.

And rightly so. For without free expression, victims of human rights abuses would be unable to communicate their predicament and their supporters would be prevented from issuing their rally cries for change.

A scroll through the latest news entries on Amnesty’s website makes for alarming reading. Libyan citizens at risk of hidden landmines, mass arrests and torture in Syria, a woman arrested for driving in Saudi Arabia, and the politically motivated jailing of two Russians on money laundering charges. These are serious matters going to the core human rights of security, equality and a fair trial.

Yet scratch the surface of many of these cases and you find accompanying gagging of free speech or retribution for its exercise. The Saudi woman, for example, had also committed the crimes of allowing a journalist to interview her while she was driving and of planning to publish video footage of herself driving.

Other cases involve blatant intimidation and gagging of journalists and bloggers. Like Moroccan journalist Rachid Nini, arrested last month for purportedly “undermining of a judicial decision, attempt to influence the judiciary, and reporting on untrue criminal offences”. In reality, he was just doing his job exposing his country’s anti-terrorism practices in breach of international conventions.

And Palestinian writer and academic Ahmad Qatamesh, seized by Israeli security forces without charge and being held for being an ‘unspecified security risk’.

The key international document is the United Nations Universal Declaration of Human Rights, which in 1948 enshrined free expression at Article 19: “Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression; this right includes freedom to hold opinions without interference and to seek, receive and impart information and ideas through any media regardless of frontiers.”

At face value, this statement seems to give all the world’s citizens a right to free expression. But it was only ever meant to be a declaration of a lofty goal and has many limitations.

Better protections came internationally in 1966 when the UN adopted the International Covenant on Civil and Political Rights, prompting a series of binding treaties. The covenant introduced a right to free expression, again at Article 19: “Everyone shall have the right to freedom of expression; this right shall include freedom to seek, receive and impart information and ideas of all kinds, regardless of frontiers, either orally, in writing or in print, in the form of art, or through any other media of his choice.”

However, the right is limited because the covenant imposes ‘special duties and responsibilities’ for the respect of the rights and reputations of others and for the protection of national security, public order, public health or morals.

Add to this the fact that many countries have not ratified the covenant and you are left without regulatory bite at this level. Complaints about individual countries’ breaches can be brought to the Office for the High Commissioner for Human Rights, but the processes can take several years and are often unresolved, as their annual reports demonstrate.

New technologies have brought their own communication freedoms, but also accompanying censorship and retribution. The so-called ‘Twitter revolutions’ throughout the Middle East and North Africa in 2010 and 2011 showed how social media could help generate movements for better respect for human rights.

Yet countries with the highest level of censorship maintain tight control over expression and take firm action against online writers who use the Internet to question their authority. This is when the blogger becomes a ‘dissident’ and any use of new media for political expression – or even the use of certain media at all – can land the offender in jail. Reporters Without Borders has released a list of enemies of free Internet speech: Burma, China, Cuba, Iran, North Korea, Saudi Arabia, Syria, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan and Vietnam.

They are countries where bloggers, journalists and other ‘dissidents’ have been imprisoned or tortured for daring to write what they think or for encouraging others to do so.

Governments in such countries block access to full Internet use via systems like the so-called ‘Great Firewall of China’. While the Internet is seen by many as a wonderful new tool for democracy, there is a downside to the use of social media and blogs by dissidents in countries that do not value free speech: their Web-based activities can be monitored quite easily by security forces and citizens’ use of such media can leave them dangerously exposed. Blogger Nay Phone Latt languishes in a Burmese jail on a 20 year sentence for reporting in his blog about the unfolding demonstrations against the government in Rangoon in 2007 and for describing how hard it was for young Burmese to express themselves freely.

Repressive regimes also engage in modern age propaganda techniques such as cyber-attacks on target websites and on ‘phishing’ to steal dissident password information to access their email addresses and other contact details.

No regional human rights convention exists in Asia and the Hong Kong-based Asian Human Rights Commission provides an ongoing chronicle of abuses, many involving the gagging of journalists, bloggers and dissidents.

Many of these cases may seem quite foreign to our values and way of life in Australia – the kinds of things that happen in far-flung exotic places that could never occur here.

The sad reality is that I am kept all too busy in my work for Reporters Without Borders in this western democratic nation regarded by its citizens as a bastion of free expression.

Since 1961 there have been scores of Australians arrested and jailed for the exercise of their rights of free expression, press freedom or freedom of assembly.

That period has included many protests where individuals have been detained – including those marching against the Vietnam War, apartheid and modern environmental, immigration and anti-globalisation causes.

Australian journalists have been arrested and jailed in recent years. Three reporters have served time since 1989 for refusing to reveal their sources in Australian courts. Journalist Derryn Hinch went to prison in 1986 for broadcasting prejudicial material about a sex offender in the lead-up to his trial and faces jail again in a current case over his naming of sex offenders in breach of suppression orders.

Earlier this month a Sydney Morning Herald journalist was arrested by Queensland police and his iPad was seized – all because he had reported upon a conference presentation by a security expert who had allegedly breached Facebook privacy settings.

This came just two months after the NSW Crime Commission demanded source information from two Sydney Morning Herald journalists and their parent news group as part of its spat with the Police Integrity Commission.

Another indicator was news this month that the Commonwealth Immigration Department had upgraded to ‘critical’ the alert level for journalists trying to access its detention centres.

These incidents do not amount to torture or assassination, but our concern is that censorship is a slippery slope and we need to be constantly on guard against governments and their agencies limiting our rights to free expression.

Australia is a rarity among western democratic countries because it lacks a bill of rights at national level enshrining human rights like free expression. We have no equivalent to the US First Amendment which states: “Congress shall make no law … abridging the freedom of speech, or of the press.”

Most Commonwealth countries’ constitutions including those of Canada, India and Papua New Guinea guarantee freedom of expression.

But such a freedom is not stated explicitly in the constitution of Australia. In the 1990s our High Court ruled there was an ‘implied right’ to free expression on matters of government and politics in the Constitution. But that is negotiable, and shifts each time the court is called upon to rule on it.

New Zealand’s Bill of Rights Act 1990 states at s. 14: ‘Everyone has the right to freedom of expression, including the freedom to seek, receive, and impart information and opinions of any kind in any form’. This year the NZ Supreme Court even found the right protected Valerie Morse, an anti-war protester who burned her country’s flag during an Anzac Day dawn memorial service in Wellington. Her conviction for offensive behaviour was set aside on this basis.

Australia lacks this kind of protection. It is certainly not a free expression haven. While we do not have a chronic problem of the frequent arrest and torture of dissidents and intellectuals, we certainly need to keep a close watch as legislators and judges continue to make laws eroding free expression.

While the world has changed markedly in the 50 year life of Amnesty International, a constant has been the natural tendency of those in power to gag their critics.

Active membership of such organisations can at the very least remind those who abuse their positions that they are being watched, and at best motivate them to change their ways.

You, as active members of Amnesty, carry that responsibility and privilege. Happy birthday.

© Mark Pearson 2011

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